*Hantau̯oto/i-
‘king’
- Language
- Proto-Luwic
- Grammar
- subst
- ID
- 1083
1. Individual Anatolian Languages
1.1 Hieroglyphic Luwian
/hantawatt(i)-/, REX-ti-
‘king’1.1.1Transmission
This lemma is attested 133 times in the HLuw. corpus, representing one of the most frequent content words. Most inscriptions contain it at least once, and it can be found across the entire HLuw. area and during all periods of the language.
[AH.B.]
1.1.2Forms
The above table contains only a fraction of the 133 forms attested altogether, including five cases of MONS.REX ‘mountain king’ which may or may not be a compound, see the discussions under meaning and stem below. Care has been taken to convey a good picture of the different spellings found for /hantawatt(i)-/, while also showing its considerable geographical and temporal distribution. Undamaged attestations have been given preference over damaged ones, unless the latter yielded additional information not found elsewhere.
Against a likely misprint in Hawkins 2000a:135, KARKAMIŠ A24a2+3, §13 should read 〈REX-ti-i-sá〉, as the sign 〈sá〉 is clearly legible on the photograph. Similarly, the attestation in ÇINEKÖY, §5 should read 〈REX-ti-sá〉, i.e. also with 〈sá〉 instead of the misprint recorded in the editio princeps (Tekoğlu & Lemaire 2000a:968).
[AH.B.]
1.1.3Graphic Features
1.1.3.1Phonological Interpretation
The most commonly found spelling for /hantawatt(i)-/ is the bare logogram REX (*17), but even so spellings with phonetic complements are far from rare as the collection of forms above shows. Despite the fact that there are no fully syllabically spelt attestations, the phonological interpretation of the present lemma was first suggested by Laroche 1979c:105 and can be seen as reasonably secure, because the word family around /hant(a)-/ ‘face’ and its members such as /hantawatt(i)-/ ‘king’ is attested in CLuw. as well (see Starke 1980b:77 n. 15 for reading /-tt-/ here, not following his suggestion for the root). Although CLuw. has far fewer types and tokens for the word family, it is enough to provide a basis for the interpretation of the HLuw. forms showing the same stem shapes, cf. the discussion in Laroche 1979c:105 and Starke 1990a:171f.
[AH.B.]
1.1.4Meaning
The logogram REX (*17) was one of the earliest HLuw. signs to be identified because of its frequent occurrence on seals, see already Sayce 1881a:299 and later e.g. Meriggi 1929b:199. Normally a title or attribute employed with reference to humans, the present lemma is also used as part of the epithet for the god Sarruma, whose name is frequently followed by the logographic title MONS.REX ‘mountain king’, i.e. a combination of the signs MONS (*207) and REX (*17) for the HLuw. words /watt(i)-/ ‘mountain’ and /hantawatt(i)-/ ‘king’; see discussion of stem below for further comments on this epithet.
[AH.B.]
1.1.5Stem
The noun /hantawatt(i)-/ is derived from */hantawa-/, otherwise unattested in HLuw. and probably denoting ‘to rule’ vel sim. as in Lycian xñtawa-(ti) ‘to command, to rule’ (Laroche 1979c:105), with the suffix /-att(i)-/ (cf. Starke 1980b:77 n. 15 and Yakubovich 2015b:6.2).
Whether or not the form(s) underlying MONS.REX constitute an actual compound, as suggested by the commonly used transliteration, remains unclear, because the two logograms usually go uncomplemented and therefore provide no evidence as to their inflections or lack thereof. Like most other sign combinations, they are not combined into a ligature, but always occur juxtaposed. The sole exception regarding inflection is MONS.REX-wa/i-ti-i in ANCOZ 1, §4, which might be taken to imply that only REX is fully inflected and therefore constitutes the second member of a compound. However, ANCOZ 1 contains a number of uninflected forms and bare logograms besides several fully inflected forms, rendering this piece of evidence too unreliable to base an interpretation as a compound on.
[AH.B.]
1.1.6Compounds
1.1.7Derivatives
1.2 Lycian A
xñtawate/i-
‘king, ruler’1.2.1Transmission
This lexeme is found in the inscription of the inscribed pillar of Xanthos, dated contextually to shortly after the ascension of Artaxerxes II in 405-404 BCE and stylistically to around 400 BCE (Borchhardt & Eichner 1997-1999a:19f.). It is also attested in the trilingual inscription of the Letoon, dated to 337 BCE (Wagner 2011a:156 with further literature), and in an honorary inscription from Üsümlü.
[D.S.]
1.2.2Forms
| dat. sg. | xñtawati | TL 35.1 (Üsümlü) |
| TL 44b.62 (Xanthos) | ||
| N 320.7 (Xanthos) | ||
| N 320.7-8 (Xanthos) | ||
| N 320.28 (Xanthos) | ||
| abl./instr. | xñtawatedi | TL 44c.10-11 (Xanthos) |
| case unknown | xñtawati | TL 44b.63 (Xanthos) |
| gen. adj. dat. sg. c. | xñtawatehi | TL 44c.8 (Xanthos) |
| gen. adj. nom. pl. c. | xñtawatehi | N 320.17 (Xanthos) |
| gen. adj. nom./acc. pl. n. | xñtawataha | N 320.23-24 (Xanthos) |
The attestation of xñtawati in TL 35.1 is taken as dative singular with Neumann 2007a:129 and not as nominative singular (contra DLL:84). For the separation of this lexeme from xñtawata-, see Gusmani 1963a and Laroche 1979c:104-106.
[D.S.]
1.2.3Meaning
That Lyc. xñtawate/i- refers to a title of high rank was clear on contextual grounds to scholars already in the 19th century (cf. Schmidt 1876a:18f., Imbert 1894a:465). Definite proof came upon the discovery of the trilingual inscription of the Letoon (N 320), in which Lyc. xñtawate/i- corresponds to the Greek title βασιλεύς ‘king’ (Laroche 1979c:104-106). The title can be worn by deities such as Zeus (garãi zeusi … xñtawati ‘Zeus, king of the agoras’), Arccazuma (a Carian deity), and the Basileus Kaunios (likewise a Carian deity). Otherwise, it is attested as the title of Pttule, who has been equated tentatively with the Hellenistic king Ptoleme.
[D.S.]
1.2.4Derivatives
1.3 Pisidian
*γδεβετι-
‘king’1.3.1Transmission
The Pisidian personal name Γδεβετι- is preserved as genitive singular Γδεβετις in the following inscriptions: N 12, N 13 and N 14 dated to the 2nd or 3rd century CE (Brixhe 2016a:82-84 with further literature). It has been convincingly equated with the Lycian appellative for ‘king’, i.e. xñtawate/i- (König 1936a:28 n. 3, Hajnal 1994a:147 n. 33-34, 149 n. 40, Melchert 2013c:35, Simon 2017a:31-32). However, it is not possible to know due to the limited corpus whether the reconstructed appellative for ‘king’ *γδεβετι- was still present in the Pisidian vocabulary or the name should be taken as a relic of the Luwic word instead.
[D.S.]
2. Reconstruction
2.1Reconstruction ‘king’
The equation of Lyc. xñtawate/i- ‘king’ (and Pis. *γδεβετι-) with HLuw. REX-ti- /hantawatt(i)-/ leads to the reconstruction of a Proto-Luwic substantive *Hanta-u̯o-t-o/i-. The thematic stem -e/i- in Lycian is seen as a thematization of the abstract noun xñtawata- < *Hanta-u̯o-taH- (+ vowel harmony). This formation in *-t(o)- must be reconstructed for the pre-history of both Luwian and Lycian. It is noteworthy that Lyc. xñtawate/i- does not color to *xñtewete/i- as expected from the rule, which must be due to analogical pressure from the word family (xñtawa-(ti) ‘to rule’, xñtawata- ‘rule’). For the derivational chain and the function of the suffix *-u̯o- see Rieken & Sasseville 2014a:308f.
[D.S.]
For the lemma head see PAnat. *Hant-.