*ési/ósi
‘(dem. pr.)’
- Language
- Proto-Anatolian
- Grammar
- pron
- ID
- 2656
1. Individual Anatolian Languages
1.1 Cuneiform Luwian
*āšši-
‘(dem. pr.)’1.1.1Derivatives
1.2 Lydian
eš-
‘this here’1.2.1Transmission
This demonstrative pronoun is widely attested throughout the corpus.
[D.S.]
1.2.2Forms
Only a representative number of attestations are given in the table. Contra Brandenstein 1931a:30f., there are most certainly plural forms of the demonstrative pronouns attested. The endingless forms eš (thus termed by Gusmani 1964a:102) are in fact neuter plural forms, since they are used with collectives, i.e. laqriša, lapta, anlola (Gérard 2005a:84f., Adiego & Ivantchik 2016a:295). There is possibly one nom. pl. c. form of the shape eš (likewise with a null ending; Gérard 2005a:84f.) found in eš ẽtạ[mš …] (LW/N 117.2), although a restoration with a collective ending (ẽtạ[ma, thus Adiego & Ivantchik 2016a:295) cannot be absolutely excluded.
One should also compare Lyd. oš (or e!š).
[D.S.]
1.2.3Meaning
The Lydian demonstrative pronoun eš- was identified by Littmann 1916a:31, using the Lydian-Aramaic inscription, in which eš- equates to Aram. znh ‘this’ (followed by Brandenstein 1931a:30f., Zgusta 1955a:516 and widely accepted). Gusmani 1964a:102f. points out rightly that Lyd. eš- is never used anaphorically, but that it is a demonstrative pronoun with a speaker-oriented visual deixis “this (thing) here (before our eyes)” (thus also Gérard 2005a:94).
[D.S.]
1.2.4Stem
Lyd. eš- is barytone and has a simple consonantal inflection. It has not undergone i-mutation, which can be seen from the nominative singular ending -s (not -š!).
[D.S.]
1.3 Palaic
*aši
‘(dem. pr.)’1.3.1Derivatives
1.4 Hittite
aši
‘this’1.4.1Literature / Comments
HW 2nd ed. A:399f., Goedegebuure 2002-2003a
2. Reconstruction
2.1Reconstruction ‘(dem. pr.)’
Neumann 1969a:219 connects etymologically Lyd. eš- with Hitt. nom. sg. aši ‘(dem. pr.)’, assuming that the -i in Hitt. is a deictic marker that has been attached to the enclitic pronoun =aš (nom. sg. c.). In the case of Lyd. eš-, it would have become inflectional (Neumann 1969a also offers a Homeric Greek parallel).It is likely that the -i was apocopated early enough in Lydian, before the -s- of the nom. sg. was added, which would explain the lack of palatalization.The Lydian etymology is followed by Gérard 2005a:94 and Melchert 2009a:158f.One should also compare Lyd. oš (or e!š).
In his article, Melchert 2009a:158f. adduces CLuw. *āšši- (preserved in āššiwant(i)-; pace EDHIL:221) to Hitt. aši and Lyd. eš-, reconstructing a Proto-Anatolian stem *ési (with Čop’s Law for Luwian -šš-). The o-vocalism of Hitt. aši, i.e. *oši (thus EDHIL:220 but with initial *h1), is explained instead as an analogical replacement based on other demonstrative pronouns, such as kā- ‘this’ (the same would have to be posited now for Pal. ašiwa). Taking the Anatolian material into account, a PAnat. dem. pr. *ési/ósi is reconstructed, although the explanation behind the apparent ablaut is debatable; see LIPP II:190 for a criticism.
[D.S.]