*u̯ar

This lemma is by far the most common in the HLuw. corpus and occurs approx. 1,700 times. Nearly every single inscription contains it at least once, and it is hence found in all areas and eras of HLuw.

[AH.B.]

indecl.	/a=wa/	a-wa/i	ÇİFTLİK, §11
	/a=wa/	a-wa/i5	TOPADA, §29
	/a=wa/	a-wa/i-a	SULTANHAN, §43
	/wa/	wa/i	CEKKE inscr. 2, §11
	/a=wa=tta/	a-wa/i-ta	MARAŞ 4, §4
	/ammu=ba=wa/	á-mu-pa-wa/i	KULULU 1, §14
	/ammu=wa=mi/	EGO-wa/i-mi-i	KARKAMIŠ A6, §1
	/ammi=ha=wa/	á-mi-há-wa/i	KARATEPE 1 Hu., §15
	/appi=wa=anza/	á-pi-wa/i-za	ASSUR letter c, §2
	/awi=wa/	a-wa/i-wa/i	ASSUR letter f+g, §24
	/kwippa=wa/	kwa/i-i-pa-wà/ì	KARATEPE 1 Ho., §53
	/man=ba=wa=as/	ma-pa-wa/i-sa	BABYLON 1, §11
	/naha=wa=ada/	NEG2-ha-wa/i-tà	ARSUZ 2, §16
	/niba=wa=an/	ni-i-pa-wa/i-na	BOYBEYPINARI, §11
	/wa=na/	wá/í-na	KARATEPE 1 Ho., §48
	/wa=du=tta/	wa/i-tú-ta	HAMA 4, §13
	/zanzi=ba=wa/	za-a-zi-pa-wa/i	TELL AHMAR 5, §16
	/zin=man=ba=wa=as/	zi-ma-pa-wa/i-sa	ALEPPO 6, §7
	/a=wa/	*a-wa/i	ARSLANTAŞ, §6
	/a=wa=mu/	*a-wa/i-mu	KARKAMIŠ A11a, §7
	/a=wa=an=tta/	*a-wá/í-tá	KAYSERİ, §11
	/a=wa=ada/	*a-wa/i-tà	ARSUZ 1, §17
	/u=mi/	u-mi-i	PORSUK, §5

This table contains additional syntactic information regarding the slot /=wa/ can take in the particle chain not usually found elsewhere. The above collection of forms represents but a tiny fraction of the more than 1,700 attestations of /=wa/. Because the particle can be found virtually everywhere, forms for the table have been selected so as to illustrate the slot for /=wa/ in the clause-initial chain.

Attestations including an 〈*a-〉 at the beginning are subject to the initial-a-final spelling practice and are marked here with an asterisk following Hawkins 2003b:161; see the discussion of the phonological interpretation below.

[AH.B.]

The particle /=wa/ is highly frequent, but its exact function is difficult to pin down precisely for its overwhelming ubiquity. Thus, it has been labelled variously as quotative (e.g. Bossert 1948a:174, Melchert 2003b:209f.), quotative/introductory (e.g. Melchert 2001a:230), connective (e.g. Hawkins 2003b:159-161), and demarcational (Sasseville & Yakubovich 2016a:33). The particle is found at the beginning of most HLuw. clauses, in fact, rarely does a clause start without it (thus already Laroche 1958b:166f.), which may have to do with the fact, as pointed out by Meriggi 1966b:99f., that most HLuw. texts are direct speech from a first person point of view. For that reason, it is instructive to note which texts do not make use of /=wa/ in spite of its seeming abundance. For one, texts that are regularly devoid of /=wa/ include most seals,There are seals that include /=wa/, however, e.g. the KARKAMIŠ N Seal. very brief inscriptions recording only personal or deity names and titles (e.g. KARADAĞ 2, MALATYA 5-12 etc.), the KULULU lead strip records, and pithoi inscriptions, which are essentially labels detailing the contents of the pithos in question. For another, some very early inscriptions such as SÜDBURG, FRAKTİN, ALEPPO 1, and a later KIZILDAĞ 4 do not make use of /=wa/, because they all relate a story through third person narration. That contrasts with the large body of texts with a first person narrator, out of which only very few inscriptions such as KARKAMIŠ A5b show no /=wa/, and it is quite probable that they are incomplete. All remaining inscriptions without /=wa/ are too damaged or fragmented to permit any reliable assessment on the presence or absence of the particle (thus e.g. KARKAMIŠ A16b).

With respect to its syntactic behaviour, the slot of enclitic /=wa/ in the particle chain was already described by Bossert 1948a:174f. He observed that /=wa/ occurs as part of the particle chain attached to the first stressed word of a clause, which can be a noun, orthotone pronoun, demonstrative, adverb, verb, conjunction, negation, or the linker /a=/, and it assumes slot no. 3 in that chain, i.e. the slot after a connector such as /=ha/ ‘and’ or /=ba/ ‘but’, which follow immediately after the stressed word in initial position. The slots following after /=wa/ are taken by enclitic pronouns and local particles. It is extremely rare to find /=wa/ entirely isolated (see e.g. CEKKE inscr. 2, §11), but it can occur in initial position in some later inscriptions (e.g. HAMA 4, §13 and KARATEPE 1 Ho., §48), when combined with at least one other enclitic (Sasseville & Yakubovich 2016a:33).

[AH.B.]

It is highly likely that the particle /=wa/ belongs to the word family around war- ‘to speak’, which was already suggested by Götze & Pedersen 1934a:74 for Hittite and CLuw. and followed by Bossert 1948a:174f. and others since.Actually, Götze & Pedersen 1934a:74 explicit detach HLuw. /=wa/ from Hittite =wa(r) and CLuw. =wa, because it can appear in absolute first position. However, most of the relevant passages have since been identified as initial-a-final spellings, and the remaining initial /=wa/ are late attestations in particle chains of two or more syllables in length. Hence, there remains no basis for the argument by Götze & Pedersen against linking the HLuw., CLuw., and Hittite particles together. In fact, Bossert 1948a:174f. connected the particles right away, paying no heed to the doubts voiced earlier.The root is attested but minimally in HLuw., though much more widely found in the other Anatolian languages. In contrast to its cognate in Hittite, the HLuw. remnant of the root */war-/ has since lost its final consonant entirely.

[AH.B.]

The particle =wa is one of the few grammatical features that are distributed unevenly across text types or dialects. As pointed out by Mouton & Yakubovich 2021a, its occurrence is limited to the Zarpiya and Puriyanni rituals and the Tauriša tradition (CTH 764-766) of incantations (from MS onward). The following attestations represent but a small sample of the almost 90 attestations in total. Further attestations are listed in CLL:249.

[E.R.]

indecl.	za-a-ni=wa	KUB 35.107 iii 9’	(CTH 764, MS)
	[i-ú-u]n-ni=wa	KUB 35.103 ii 11’	(CTH 766, MS)
	dÉ.A-aš=wa	KUB 9.31 ii 33	(CTH 757, NS)
	dA.A-aš=wa	HT 1 ii 9’	(CTH 394, NS)
	a=wa	KUB 35.107 iii 9’	(CTH 764, MS)
	a=wa=ti	KUB 35.107 iii 11’, iii 14’	(CTH 764, MS)
	dUTU=wa=ti	KUB 35.107 iii 11’	(CTH 764, MS)
	ú-pa-at-ta=pa=wa=du	KUB 35.88 iii 11’	(CTH 766, NS)
	pa=wa=an=tar	KUB 35.103 iii 5	(CTH 766, MS)
	[]x-aš=wa=du-w=at(a)=ta	KUB 35.55, 8’	(CTH 758, NS)
	a=wa-a=t-ta	KUB 35.107 iii 18’	(CTH 764, MS)
	za-an-ta=wa=tar	KUB 35.88 iii 14’	(CTH 766, NS)

Scholars disagree about the status of the sequence -ku-wa- within the particle chain. Those who analyze it as =ku plus =wa (e.g. Melchert in CLL:105) would assign also the 28 forms cited under CLuw. =ku(wa) to the present lemma.

[E.R.]

Checked against the photographs in the Mainzer Fotoarchiv. – The attestation at KUB 35.55, 8’ is assured in spite of the fragmentary state of the host word, because the sequence of °š-wa- within a word is attested only once in the entire Cuneiform Luwian corpus (a-aš-ša-ni-eš(-)wa-an-te-eš at KUB 55.65 ii 3, if read correctly).

[E.R.]

As can be seen from the examples given in the table, CLuw. =wa occupies the second slot within the Wackernagel particle chain between the conjunctions (including both tonic and clitic pa) and the reflexive and dat./loc. pronoun and/or local particles. If =kuwa (see under Lemma) is recognized as a particle in its own right, then the two share the second slot and are mutually exclusive. If, however, the sequence -ku-wa- renders two particles, i.e. =ku and =wa (see =kuwa for references), an intervening slot must be inserted for =ku, after which =wa then follows in slot three, thereby pushing all other constituents back by one slot.

The syntactic status of CLuw. =wa as a particle was recognized as early as 1938 by Schwartz 1938a:352f. (see also Otten 1953a:53, Laroche 1954a:123f.). Rosenkranz 1952a:92 compared it with HLuw. /=wa/, but the functional and etymological identification of CLuw. =wa with the Hittite quotative particle =wa(r) followed only in 1958 when it was first made explicit by Laroche 1958b:165f. (and in DLL:104f., only implicitly Kronasser 1956a:156). Present scholarship mentions the quotative function of CLuw. =wa as common sense; cf. HW:324, CLL:249, Carruba 1985a:83, HEG:301f., EDHIL:958.

However, it must be emphasized that the particle is used neither in all texts (see under Forms) nor is it employed as consistently as we would expect judging by the Hittite practice. Instead, it appears only in some direct speeches, and then only sporadically mostly at the beginning (in the first one or two sentences). Especially sentence chains with parallel semantic and syntactic structure are marked only once or twice.

[E.R.]

In contrast to Hitt. =wa(r), the CLuw. quotative particle =wa has no allomorph.

[E.R.]

This particle is attested only six times in Lycian A and is found in inscriptions of various types.

[D.S.]

For the new join of a fragment restoring the lines of TL 44b.36-39 see Schürr & Dönmez 2015a:140f.

[D.S.]

Meriggi 1963a:15 argues that the Lycian particles =we and =be equate to Hitt. war (particle of direct speech). However, he fails to provide separate analyses for Lycian A and B as well as for each particle. More carefully, Neumann 2007a:34 observes that only the Lycian A particle =be occurs regularly at the beginning of a direct speech:

tibe me=i=martti tike hrppi=be=ije : tãtu : epñte : trppeme (TL 109.4-5)

‘of if anyone orders: “Let them place (him) in addition after (these) three.”’

se=be=pibere : trqqas=ppe : asạti : xñtawatã : tuwi : se=be=d(e)=ãinẽ : arawazija : ñtewẽ : {n}emu : se=xθθã ñte=be dewẽ emu : kumezeiti=ti (TL 44b.36-39)

‘pibere, (I), the Storm-god, loves your kingship; (for you) have made before me monuments and a xθθã, in addition to what they sacrifice to me as a gift.’ (vel sim.)

hri=be=uwe=(a)lahadi=ti : me=tawa : trbbala hati : se=i=zum͂mẽ xbati : zum͂mẽ=ñne=ti : θurtta : señnaha : epñte : ladã : ẽmi : se=tideimis : ẽmis : se=melebi : se=tideimi (TL 106.2-4)

‘Who allocates (into this tomb) in addition and inflicts thereupon slander, whatever (would count) as slander for them, (upon) the θurtta señnaha and afterwards my wife and my children and melebi and (his) child, he will release inimical eyes.’ A grammatically impossible translation of this sentence is given by Christiansen 2020a:250f.

It is rare that the builder of a grave inscription speaks in the first person, but whenever he does, the particle =be is found at the beginning of the speech, which is a strong indicator for its functioning as a particle of direct speech. On the inscribed pillar of Xanthos (TL 44b.36-39), despite the syntactic difficulties, it is the Storm-god who addresses the Lycian king directly. The particle be has been interpreted as the lenited variant of pe (equating to Luw. pa; thus Melchert 2002d:230, DLL:8, Christiansen 2020a:237), which is likely to be the case for Lyc. B =be, but not for Lycian A. As shown above, the distribution of =be in Lycian A does not speak for an emphatic particle.

[D.S.]

This lexeme is found on a fragment possibly containing a song, attributed here to the Palaic language, as well as in a mythical passage.

[D.S.]

indecl.	ma-a=wa-r=a	KBo 19.160 ii 8’	(CTH 754, NS)
		KBo 19.160 ii 11’	(CTH 754, NS)
	ma-a=wa-r=a-an=kán	KBo 19.160 iii 4	(CTH 754, NS)
	˹ma˺-a=˹wa˺-r[=a-an=ká]n?	KBo 19.160 iii 1	(CTH 754, NS)
	[ma-a=w]a-r=a=kán	KBo 19.160 iii 13	(CTH 754, NS)
	mi-iš-na=wa	KBo 19.160 ii 10’	(CTH 754, NS)
		KBo 19.160 ii 13’	(CTH 754, NS)
		KBo 19.160 iii 3	(CTH 754, NS)
		KBo 19.160 iii 6	(CTH 754, NS)
		KBo 19.160 iii 9	(CTH 754, NS)
		KBo 19.160 iii 12	(CTH 754, NS)
		KBo 19.160 iii 15	(CTH 754, NS)
	mi-iš-na=w[a	KBo 19.160 ii 4’	(CTH 754, NS)
	[m]i-iš-na=˹wa˺	KBo 19.160 ii 7’	(CTH 754, NS)
	še-er=wa-r=a-aš=ša-a[n]	KUB 48.69 iv 2	(CTH 754, NS)
	ti-ia-ar=wa	KUB 48.69 iv 3	(CTH 754, NS)
	te-et-ḫi-ia-at=wa	KUB 48.69 iv 5	(CTH 754, NS)
	[ḫa?-m]e?-eš-ḫi=wa	KUB 48.69 iv 6	(CTH 754, NS)

The entire clitic chain is given in the table to make clear in which position of the chain the particle =wa(r) is located. It occurs immediately after the first accented element of the sentence, e.g. the conjunction man, or the noun mišna. Just like its Hittite cognate, Pal. =wa(r) shows an allomorph between =war and =wa. The variant with the final -r is found in the middle of the clitic chain with an enclitic beginning with a vowel following it. The one without the final -r is found at the end of the clitic chain; for Hittite cf. Hoffner & Melchert 2008a:354.

[D.S.]

The function of this particle cannot be drawn from the contexts, but its interpretation as a quotative particle is dependent on the Hittite and Luwian cognate.

[D.S.]

For the lemma head, see PAnat. *u̯ér-/u̯r-´.