*u̯ér-/u̯r-´
‘to speak’
- Language
- Proto-Anatolian
- Grammar
- verb
- ID
- 1376
1. Individual Anatolian Languages
1.1 Hieroglyphic Luwian
*/war-/
‘to speak’1.1.1Derivatives
1.2 Cuneiform Luwian
*war-
‘to speak’1.2.1Derivatives
1.2.1.1Uncertain Derivatives
1.3 Lydian
*wr-
‘to speak’1.3.1Derivatives
1.3.1.1Uncertain Derivatives
1.4 Palaic
wēr-(ti)
‘to say’1.4.1Transmission
This lexeme is found in a mythical passage of the Old Hittite ritual for the disappearing deity and possibly also in an incantation of a festival text.
[D.S.]
1.4.2Forms
| 3sg. pres. ind. act. | ú-e-er-ti | KUB 32.18 i 8’ | (CTH 752, MS) |
| unclear | wa-ra-an-ti | KUB 35.159 + CHDS 2.52 ii 6’/5’ | (CTH 753, NS) |
It is not certain whether the form waranti belongs to the root verb wēr-(ti) ‘to speak’ or rather to a root war- ‘to burn’. Moreover, waranti can be interpreted in different ways, i.e. 3rd pl. pres. act., part. dat. sg. or, if nominal, instr. in -nti. The preceding word ariyakiš can be either nom. sg. or pl. and, thus, if it is the plural subject, this could serve as evidence for taking waranti as a finite form, i.e. ‘the ariyakiš speak’. Nevertheless, the fragmentary state of the context calls for caution.
[D.S.]
1.4.3Graphic Features
Checked against the photograph in the Konkordanz (Mainzer Fotoarchiv).
[D.S.]
1.4.4Meaning ‘to call out, speak’
The verb wēr- has been equated with Hitt. wer-iye/a-(mi) ‘to call out’. This is contextually supported, since the passage following the verb is a direct speech uttered by the Sun-god in a parallel fashion to the Hittite version of the myth of Telipinu (Kammenhuber 1959a:50, Carruba 1970a:76, Melchert 1984b:23).
[D.S.]
1.4.5Derivatives
2. Reconstruction
2.1Reconstruction ‘to speak’
Comparing Pal. wēr-(ti) ‘to say’ with Hitt. weriye/a-(mi) ‘to call out’, we can posit two different stem formations for Proto-Anatolian, i.e. root verb *u̯ér-/u̯r-´ and *u̯ér-i̯e/o- (Oettinger 1979a:344). Traces of the root verb can be found in the Hittite isolated form werant- (EDHIL:1002) as well as in the grammaticalized quotative particle =wa(r), Luw. /=wa/, Pal. =wa(r) (Oettinger 1979a:344, EDHIL:958, HEG W-Z:498) and probably Lyc. A =be. The existence of a Cuneiform Luwian verb of speaking wāri(ya)-(di) was suggested by Oettinger 1976-1977a:133 and followed by Sasseville 2021a:327-329. However, the semantics of the words involved are debated; cf. under CLuw. warīta and CLuw. wāri(ya)-. Although this root has always been reconstructed with a *-h1, the Anatolian root shows no root-final laryngeal, for which one would expect a gemination of the preceding resonant. The rule of *h1 > Ø /C_i̯ posited in Melchert 1994a:65 for the derivative in *-i̯e/o-, which would require an analogical spread to the root verb, is fine but cannot yet be independently supported by additional examples.
[D.S.]
3. Proto-Indo-European
3.1Semantic Reconstruction
The PIE root *u̯erh1- means ‘to say, speak’, cf. EIEC:535, Watkins 2000a:100, LIV²:689f.
3.2Morphological Reconstruction
The Anatolian languages point to a PIE root aorist *u̯érh1-/*u̯r̥h1-´ (→ PAnat. *u̯ér-/*u̯r-´, whence, e.g., Pal. wēr-(ti), Hitt. ptc. u̯erant-) beside a i̯e/o-present *u̯ér[h1]-i̯e/o- (> PAnat. *u̯ér-i̯e/o- > Hitt. u̯erii̯e/a-(mi) ‘to call out’), the latter being also attested in Greek: εἴρω ‘to say, speak, tell’ < *u̯ér[h1]-i̯e/o- (cf. LIV²:689f. and the PAnat. Reconstruction above). The combined evidence of Anatolian and Greek might therefore point to an already PIE i̯e/o-present *u̯ér[h1]-i̯e/o-, which probably lost its laryngeal according to Pinault’s Law (PIE *CHi̯V > *Ci̯V).Laryngeal loss according to Pinault’s Law is also assumed in EDG:393. For Pinault’s Law itself, cf., e.g., Pinault 1982a, Mayrhofer 1986:140 and the thorough discussion in Byrd 2015a:208–240 (who wants to restrict Pinault’s Law to PIE *h2 and *h3, however; cf. Byrd 2015a:232). In the afore-mentioned root aorist PIE *u̯érh1-/*u̯r̥h1-´, however, the laryngeal did not disappear by sound law. To account for the obvious laryngeal loss in PAnat. *u̯ér-/*u̯r-´ (PIE *u̯erh1- would have given PAnat. †u̯err- with geminate), we have to assume that the laryngeal in the root aorist was deleted analogically, presumably on the basis of the parallel i̯e/o-present. – As far as the nominal stem formation is concerned, a thematic stem *u̯(e/o)rdho- ‘word’ with different root ablaut (e, o, ∅) can be reconstructed on the basis of Lat. verbum n. ‘word’ (< *u̯erdho- or *u̯r̥dho-), Lith. var͂das m. ‘name’, Latv. vā̀rds m. ‘word, name’ (< *u̯ordho-), OPr. wīrds m. ‘word’ (< *u̯r̥dho-), and Goth. waúrd, ON orð, etc. n. ‘word’ (< PGerm. *u̯urđa- < *u̯r̥dho-); cf. NIL:729f. According to Heidermanns 1996a:§223 and Hackstein 2002:14, *u̯(e/o)rdho- ‘word’ developed from a root compound *u̯(o/e)rh1-dhh1-o- ‘placing an utterance, making a statement’ vel sim., with regular loss of the first of the two laryngeals in a sequence CH.CC (cf. NIL:730 n. 1). The compound consists of a root noun *u̯(o/e)rh1- ‘utterance’ vel sim., which explains the different ablaut grades attested, and the thematized root *dheh1- ‘to put, place’, as per NIL:730 n. 1. For the semantics, cf. the Latin syntagm verbum/verba facere. For further discussion and lit., cf. Casaretto 2004a:87f. and NIL:729f.
[T.S.]
4. Transmission
Ved. vratá- n. ‘vow, religious observance, commandment’ vel sim., OAv. uruuata- n. ‘rule, order, indication’, etc.Cf., e.g., EWAia II:594f., Mayrhofer 2005a:72f., 93, each with further lit.
Goth. waúrd n. ‘word’, ON orð n. ‘id.’, OE word n. ‘id.’, OS word n. ‘id.’, OHG wort n. ‘id.’, etc.Cf., e.g., Casaretto 2004a:87f., NIL:729f. with n. 2, EDPG:600.
Russ. vrat’, 1sg. vru ‘to lie’Cf., e.g., LIV²:690 with n. 6.

