*di̯éu̯-ot-/*di̯ut-´

‘having brightness, light’

Language
Proto-Anatolian
Grammar
subst
ID
2666

1. Individual Anatolian Languages

1.1 Hieroglyphic Luwian

/Tiwad-/, (DEUS)SOL-wa/i-

‘Sun-god’

1.1.1Transmission

This lexeme is attested more than 40 times in inscriptions from Malatya, Karkamiš, Tell Ahmar, Maraş, Cilicia, Commagene, Emirgazi, Boğazköy, the Amuq and Tabal dating from the second half of the 13th to the early 7th century BCE.

[A.P.]

1.1.2Forms

nom. sg. /Tiwazas/ (DEUS)SOL-wa/i-za-sa KARKAMIŠ A6, §2 (Karkamiš)
    (DEUS)SOL-za-sa KARKAMIŠ A17a, side B (Karkamiš)
    (DEUS)SOL-za-sá KARATEPE 1 (Hu.), §73 (Cilicia)
    (DEUS)SOL-˹za˺-sá KARATEPE 1 (Ho.), §73 (Cilicia)
    (DEUS)SO[L]-sa KARKAMIŠ A4a, §13 (Karkamiš)
    (DEUS)SOL SÜDBURG, §2 (Boğazköy)
    (DEUS)SOL[ TELL TAYINAT 2, line 3, §iii (Amuq)
    [(DEUS)S]OL MALATYA 14, obv. (Malatya)
    ˹(DEUS)S˺OL-[ KULULU 5, §1 (Tabal)
  /Tiwadis/ (DEUS)SOL-ti-i-sa MALPINAR, §11 (Commagene)
    (DEU[S)SOL]-ti-˹i˺-sá MARAŞ 1, §6 (Maraş)
acc. sg. /Tiwadin/ (DEUS)SOL-wa/i-ti-i-na TELL AHMAR 2, §6 (Tell Ahmar)
    (DEUS)SOL ANCOZ 10, §1 (Commagene)
dat. sg. /Tiwadi/ (DEUS)SOL-ti-i KARKAMIŠ A6, §20 (Karkamiš)
    (DEUS)SOL-ti ANCOZ 7, §4 (Commagene)
    (DEUS)SOL EMİRGAZİ 2, §7 (Emirgazi)
      HİSARÇIK 2, §2 (Tabal)
abl./instr. /Tiwadadi/ (DEUS)SOL-tà-ti-i KARKAMIŠ A15b, §1 (Karkamiš)
    (DEUS)SOL EMİRGAZİ 2, §13 (Emirgazi)
gen.  /Tiwadassa/ (DEUS)SOL KARATEPE 1 (Hu.), §75 (Cilicia)
unclear   (DEUS)ti-i-wa/i-ti-x KÜRTÜL, §6 (Maraş)

The above table offers a representative selection. Damaged and uncertain attestations have been omitted.

In KÜRTÜL, §6, the last sign could be 〈sa〉 or 〈ha〉, i.e. either a nom. sg. ending or the enclitic particle /=ha/ ‘and’, but the inscription is too damaged to tell.

[A.P.] [AH.B.]

1.1.3Graphic Features

1.1.3.1Phonological Interpretation

Although the only possibly fully syllabic rendition of this lexeme is attested in an uncertain context (KÜRTÜL, §6), its phonological interpretation is nevertheless assured. A deity name, the word is attested in other Anatolian languages as well (see e.g. EDHIL:766f.), and it has given rise to a number of personal names besides, cf. the discussion of the stem below. At first, a different reading for the name had been suggested by Bossert 1948a:176, viz. */wa(n)da-/, who assumed erroneously that the occasionally attested syllabic complementation represented the entire phonological form of the word. He modified his stance slightly in Bossert 1949a:97, suggesting that earlier the underlying lexeme had been */s(i)wands/ vel sim. (reiterated in Bossert 1950a:36). His view was followed by other scholars for some time, until it became clear that CLuw. provides evidence for the phonological interpretation, cf. Gusmani 1965b:81 incl. n. 4.

The spelling of the deity name consistently relies on the logograms ‘god’ (sign *360) for a determinative, followed by (sign *191) for representing part of the phonological form. In about a third of the attestations, this combination of logograms is followed by one or more syllabic signs that attest to part(s) of the ending and even stem; no fully syllabic spelling of the name has so far been found attested. Regarding the function of the logogram , it was Laroche 1954b:100 who pointed out in connection with the storm-god and the sun-god that it is frequently to be understood as a determinative preceding the actual name of a deity.Though at the time the phonological shape of the present lexeme was still debated (Laroche 1954b:101 n. 11).

While the HLuw. writing system has difficulty conveying the quality of the stem-final dental except when using the sign 〈tà〉 (see Rieken 2008b:643), the CLuw. evidence shows consistent singleton spelling, representing /d/ and thus contrasting with the geminate in the full cognate Hittite šiwatt- ‘day’, see Starke 1990a:149-151 and Rieken 1999a:104f.

The attestations for the nom. sg. form show /Tiwadis/ as well as /Tiwazas/, for which see the discussion of the stem below.

[AH.B.]

1.1.4Meaning

The meaning of this deity name has long been clear, it was first suspected to signify the sun-god by Güterbock 1942a:28, 53 and Güterbock 1943a:298f. and later accepted generally, cf. e.g. Alp 1950b:4 and Laroche 1960c:100f. While not the most frequently mentioned deity in the HLuw. corpus (the storm-god /Tarhunt-, Tarhunza-/ occurs at least over 200 times, and the goddess Kubaba approx. 100 times), the sun-god nevertheless holds a prominent place in the Luwian pantheon. Hutter 2003a:224-227 provides a brief summary of the position of the sun-god in Luwian religion.

In the texts, the sun-god is often mentioned together with other gods, thus e.g. in KARKAMIŠ A6, §20: wa/i-ta (DEUS)TONITRUS-hu-ti-i (DEUS)SOL-ti-i (DEUS)ku+AVIS-pa-pa-ia-ha ta-ni-mi-i-ha-a-wa/i DEUS-ni-i FRONS-ti-i SUPER+ra/i-a PUGNUS-ri+i-lá/í-wa/i, approx. /wa=an=tta Tarhunti Tiwadi Kubabaya=ha tanimi=ha=wa massani hanti sarra ariwi/, meaning ‘I (will) raise him up before the storm-god, the sun-god, and (the goddess) Kubaba, and every god’ (cf. Hawkins 2000a:125).

[AH.B.]

1.1.5Stem

The noun is a common gender stem in /-ad-/, which was already clear to Laroche 1958a:108 for the CLuw. form. The attestations for the nom. sg. form atest to stem allomorphy with /Tiwadis/ as well as /Tiwazas/, the former representing a secondarily mutated stem. The latter form shows a recharacterization, in which the generalised full grade nom. sg. c. ending has been attached to the already fully inflected form /Tiwaz/ (as in CLuw.) without prior elision of the stem-final dental. Hawkins, Morpurgo Davies & Neumann 1973a:40 n. 141 suggest that the recharacterization may have taken place in analogy to the name of the Storm-god /Tarhunt-, Tarhunza-/. In addition to the stem allomorphy visible in the nom. sg. for /Tiwad-, Tiwaza-/, it is possible that the acc. sg. displays a similar variance between overtly attested /Tiwadin/ and unattested */Tiwazan/, because such occurs in the case of the deity name /Tarhunt-, Tarhunza-/, the name of the storm-god. However, only further textual evidence can prove this.

This deity name has served as the basis for a number of personal names (see e.g. already Laroche 1960c:101), e.g. /Azatiwada-/,Although see the doubts regarding the morphological analysis expressed by Tischer in HEGS:1102f.) /Tiwadamuwa-/, /Tiwadalliya-/, /Tiwadami-/, /Tiwadawiya-/ (for which see Zehnder 2010a:292 and Yakubovich 2013a:88) etc.

[AH.B.]

1.1.6Derivatives

  1. /tiwadama/i-/

1.2 Cuneiform Luwian

tiwad-

‘Sun-god’

1.2.1Transmission

The attestations of this divine name are broadly strewn across the genres (from MS onwards).

[E.R.]

1.2.2Forms

nom. sg. Dti-wa-az KUB 35.68, 16’ (CTH 763, NS)
  Dutu-wa-az KUB 35.107 iii 8’ (CTH 764, MS)
  [Du]tu-wa-az KBo 29.25 ii? 6’ (CTH 764, MS)
  Dutu-wa-za KUB 35.48 ii 19’ (CTH 760, NS)
  Dutu-za KUB 35.45 ii 25, ii 26 (CTH 760, NS)
  Dutu⸣-za KUB 35.74, 9’ (CTH 762, NS)
  Dutu-az(=) KUB 35.133 ii 13’ (CTH 665, LNS)
    KBo 29.49, 6’ (CTH 756, NS)
acc. sg. Dutu-an KBo 9.143 iii! 10’ (CTH 763, MS)
dat./loc. sg. Dutu-ti-i KUB 35.107 iii 10’ (CTH 764, MS)
  Dutu-ti KUB 35.36, 6’ (CTH 762, NS)
voc. sg. ti-wa-ta KUB 35.19, 12’ (CTH 761, MS?)
    KUB 32.10, 12’ (CTH 761, MS?)
  ti-wa-⸢ta⸣(-)[ KUB 32.70, 6’ (CTH 761, NS)
  ti-u-wa-ta KBo 7.68 iii 3 (CTH 764, NS)
  Dutu KUB 35.107 iii 11’ (CTH 764, MS)
  Dutu-wa-za KUB 35.78 i? 9’ (CTH 759, NS)
  Dutu-az KUB 9.31 ii 30 (CTH 757, NS)
voc. sg. Dši-wa-ta KBo 22.137 iii 8’ (CTH 758, NS)
gen. adj. nom. sg. c. Dti-wa-d[a-aš-ši-iš] KUB 35.108, 5’ (CTH 765, MS)
gen. adj. dat./loc. sg. Dutu-ša-an-za-a[n] KUB 35.90, 7’ (CTH 765, MS)
unknown [ti]-⸢i⸣-wa-ta-aš-ša-a[n(-) KUB 35.15 ii! 1’ (CTH 761, MS)
  ⸢ti-i⸣-wa-d[a-aš-ša-an(-) KBo 9.141 iv 1’ (CTH 761, MS)
  Dutu-w[a- KUB 32.13 i 11 (CTH 771, MS)

Dutu, the Sun-god, is the addressee in KUB 35.107 iii 11’. For other interpretations of the sequence Dutu-wa-ti, see Steitler 2017a:387f. – The assignment of ti-wa-ta⸣(-)[ at KUB 32.70, 6 is uncertain due to the break after -⸢ta⸣. For another possible attestation on KBo 44.241, 3’, see Sasseville 2019b:119. – On Dutu-ša-an-za-a[n] at KUB 35.90, 7’ with the marker -nz- for the plural possessor, see Melchert 2000a:177.

[E.R.]

1.2.3Graphic Features

Checked against the photographs in the Mainzer Fotoarchiv.

[E.R.]

1.2.3.1Phonological Interpretation

Following Hutter 2003a:252, Steitler 2017a:385, and  HEGŠ:1099, the shape with initial š- in Dšiwata is due to a phonological adaptation to Hitt. šiwatt- ‘day’.

[E.R.]

1.2.4Meaning

Based on the spellings with phonetic complements such as Dutu-wa-za (KUB 35.78 i? 9’) and the comparison of Dutu-ti-i da-a-ti-i (KUB 35.107 iii 10’) with ta-a-ti-iš Dti-wa-az ‘father Sun-god’ (KUB 35.68, 16’), Rosenkranz 1948aand Otten 1953a:50f. recognized the match of Dutu- ‘Sun-god’ with Dtiwat-. The reading and translation soon entered the handbooks (HW:329, Kronasser 1956a:62, DLL:128f., Starke 1990a:145f., CLL:229f., Rieken 1999a:104f., Melchert 1994a:231 et al., HHw:178, HEGŠ:199, EDHIL:766, HEDSE, SI, SU:119f.). For a recent philological treatment of the male Sun-god and female Sun-godess of the Earth (tiyammaššiš) as well as the cultural context, see Steitler 2017a(with bibliography).

[E.R.]

1.2.5Stem

Already Otten 1953a:50 posited a stem ending in an alveolar; likewise, Starke 1990a:145f.

[E.R.]

1.2.6Derivatives

  1. tiwariya-

  2. tiwatani-(ti)

  3. tiwataniya-

  4. tiwataniya-(ti)

  5. tiwataniyama-

  6. ḪUR.SAGtiwadašša- (del Monte & Tischler 1978a:432, HEGT:399)

  7. PN Tiwa(d)-…/Tiwada-… (Starke 1990a:146)

  8. PN Tí-wa-tí-ia (in Old Assyrian) (Yakubovich 2010a:211-213, Kloekhorst 2019b:60)

1.3 Luwian in Hittite transmission

Tiwat-

‘Sun-god’

1.3.1Transmission

The word appears once in a NS ritual text, while the genitival adjective occurs in a NS votive text.

[E.R.]

1.3.2Forms

nom. sg. Dutu-az KUB 35.127 iii 9’ (CTH 494, NS)
gen. adj. nom./acc. pl. n. ti-wa-ta-aš-ša KUB 56.24 rev. 18 (CTH 590, NS)
  ti-wa-t[a-aš-ša] KUB 56.24 rev. 19 (CTH 590, NS)

Unless the form is another instance of ud ‘day’ (as ibid. iii 5’, iii 7’), it could represent a nom. sg. of CLuw. Tiwat- ‘Sun-god’ (thus Starke 1990a:145, followed tentatively in CLL:229).

[E.R.]

1.3.3Graphic Features

Checked against the photographs in the Mainzer Fotoarchiv.

[E.R.]

1.3.4Meaning

The semantic interpretation at KUB 35.127 iii 9’ as ‘Sun-god’ relies on the reading of the logogram as Dutu (rather than Dud, see under Forms). More problematic is the interpretation of tiwatašša in ]x-ma ti-wa-ta-aš-ša kù.babbar ⸢5⸣ gí[n “... tiwatašša of 5 shekels of silver” (de Roos 2007a:261-265). Tischler (HEGT:399), Ünal 2007a:722, and de Roos 2007a:265 understand the word as the designation of an object or implement made of silver, presumably intended as a votive offering for the Sun-godess of Arinna. Alternatively, tiwatašša could also be an adjective ‘related to the Sun-god(dess)’ (in depictive function) governed by the preceding word ending in ]x-ma. The latter interpretation is preferred here, because the Sun-godess of Arinna is mentioned a few lines earlier (ibid. rev. 16).

[E.R.]

1.3.5Stem

For the consonant stem, see under the lemma Tiwat- in Cuneiform Luwian.

[E.R.]

1.3.6Origin

Nothing in the context hints at the Luwian origin of the word, but the combination of the determinative for divine names and the stem final -at- (plus nom. sg. c. ending /-s/) points to a Cuneiform Luwian reading /tiwats/ (Starke 1990a:145, CLL:229). The genitival adjective tiwatašša, be it an adjective or substantivized, is clearly Luwian on account of both its base tiwat- and its suffix -ašša/i- (HEGT:399).

[E.R.]

1.4 Palaic

tiyat(t)-

‘Sun-god(dess)’

1.4.1Transmission

This deity is well attested across the Palaic corpus.

[D.S.]

1.4.2Forms

nom. sg. [ti-]ia-az KUB 32.18 i 8’ (CTH 752, OS)
stem form ti-ia-az KUB 35.165 rev. 14’ (x2) (CTH 751, OS or MS)
  ti-ia-˹az˺ KBo 48.178 iv 14’ (CTH 751, NS)
  ti-a[z KUB 35.5 ii 2 (CTH 750, NS)
  ti[-ia-]az KUB 35.165 obv. 21 (CTH 751, OS or MS)
  ti[-ia-az] KUB 32.17, 7’ (CTH 751, MS?)

1.4.3Graphic Features

Checked against the photographs in the Konkordanz (Mainzer Fotoarchiv).

[D.S.]

1.4.4Meaning

The deity tiyaz has been interpreted early on as the Sun-deity based not only on contextual grounds but also on comparative grounds with the Hittite version of the festival of Ziparwa, in which Tiyaz is rendered with dUTU.  (Laroche 1948-1949a:10f., Kammenhuber 1956a:15, Kammenhuber 1959a:21f., Carruba 1970a:75, Watkins 1974b:106f., Steitler 2017a:403-407). On its epithet pašḫullaša-, see under lemma.

[D.S.]

1.4.5Stem

Though a dental stem tiyat(t)-, the name is unfortunately only rendered in its nominative form tiyaz (< *tiyat(t)- + -s), which is also used at the default stem form. For the synchronic palatalization of -w- > -y- adjacent to a -i- in Palaic, see Sasseville & Yakubovich 2018a:49f.

[D.S.]

2. Reconstruction

2.1Reconstruction ‘having brightness, light’

Laroche 1958a:108 connects CLuw. Dtiwad- ‘Sun-god’ etymologically with Hitt. šiu(n)- ‘god’ and posits a suffixation in *-e/ot- for the former. The corresponding Hittite formation is šiwatt- c. ‘day’ (Watkins 1974b:106f., Oettinger 1980a:62f. n. 73, EDHIL:767, Rau 2010a) and Palaic has the same Sun-god as Luwian, i.e. tiyaz (see under lemma).For some Indo-European collocations of the Sun-gods, see García Ramón 2011a:87.

To explain the divergence between the tenuis -tt- in Hittite and the lenis -t- /-d-/ in Luwian (the Palaic name is still unclear in this respect), Rieken 1999a:105 posits an original accent on the root, i.e. *di̯éu̯-ot-, which would have yielded the lenition in Luwian, whereas Hittite would have transferred the accent on the suffix in analogy to the stems in -att- c., preventing the lenition. Starke 1990a:150 leaves it open as *diu̯-oT- and Melchert 1994a:102 places the accent on the root, i.e. *díu̯ot-, also for the Hittite pre-form (probably assuming that the lenition was undone in Pre-Hittite). In this respect, Kloekhorst (EDHIL:767) points out rightly that the fortis quality may have spread from the nom. sg. šiwaz with stem-final /-ts/ to the rest of the paradigm.

Concerning the exact ablaut pattern involved, Yoshida 2000a:182 and Rau 2010a:309f. posit an amphikinetic ablaut pattern on comparative grounds (see already Watkins 1974b:107 for the comparison with Old Indic), i.e. *di̯éu̯-ot-/*di̯ut-´ (for an extensive revision of the details, see Melchert 2019d). If this is correct, the fortis quality of the alveolar stop in Hittite could simply be explained by the generalization of the weak stem. In any case, the Proto-Anatolian word *di̯éu̯-ot-/*di̯ut-´ with the meaning ‘having brightness, (day)light’ > ‘day, Sun-god(dess)’ is adopted here (for the semantics cf. Rau 2010aand Melchert 2019d:240f.).

[D.S.]

For the lemma head, see PAnat. *di̯éu̯-/diu̯-´.

Cross-references