*h3ór‑/*h3r̥‑´
‘to rise’
- Language
- Proto-Anatolian
- Grammar
- verb
- ID
- 2220
1. Individual Anatolian Languages
1.1 Lycian A
erije-(ti)
‘to arise, rebel’1.1.1Transmission
This lexeme is found in the inscription of the inscribed pillar of Xanthos, dated contextually to shortly after the ascension of Artaxerxes II in 405-404 BCE and stylistically to around 400 BCE (Borchhardt & Eichner 1997-1999a:19f.) as well as in a grave inscription containing a long biography datable to the reign of Alexander the Great.
[D.S.]
1.1.2Forms
| 3sg. pret. ind. act. | ẹṛịj̣ete | TL 44b.23 (Xanthos) |
| erije | TL 29.7 (Tlos) | |
| inf. | erijãna | TL 44b.22 (Xanthos) |
| [e]rijãnạ | TL 44b.20 (Xanthos) | |
| erijeinạ | TL 29.4 (Tlos) | |
| erijeina | TL 29.7 (Tlos) |
For the appurtenance of the verbal form erite to a different lexeme, see Lyc. A eri-(ti). On the apparent “unmarked” form erije, see Sasseville 2021a:374f., 417; cf. Neumann 2007a:68. Whether the form erijeina with its infinitive in -eina instead of regular -ãna belongs to this verbal stem or to another one, i.e. *erij(e)i-(di), must be left open for now (Sasseville 2021a:419, contra Schürr 2007b:115, who segments it into erije and ina). Contra Schürr 2007b:116, there is not attestation of this verb at TL 78.2; see under Lyc. A ije-(ti).
[D.S.]
1.1.3Graphic Features
The restorations of the forms at TL 44b.20-23 are owed to a join made by Schürr 2007b:111 (missed by Gehrisch 2018a:68). The attestation of erijeina in TL 29.4 was mistakenly read as erijeine (cf. Tekoğlu 2006a:1705, Neumann 2007a:68).
[D.S.]
1.1.4Meaning
The meaning ‘to raise’ for erije-(ti) was provided by Melchert (DLL:16) in comparison with CLuw. āri-(ti) ‘to raise’ (followed by Schürr 2007b:115-117, Vernet 2018a:367f.). However, Sasseville 2021a:417-419 points out that the stem in -ije-(ti) speaks for an equation with Hitt. arāi-/-i(ya)-(ḫi) ‘to arise, rebel’ from a morphological perspective. This is further supported by the context and by the intransitive status of erije-(ti). For a translation of all passages, see Sasseville ibid.
[D.S.]
1.1.5Stem
For the verbal stem class, see Sasseville 2021a:417-419, which is seen as a parallel formation to Lyc. A eri-(ti), not as a transfer from one paradigm to the other (contra Vernet 2018a:367f.).
[D.S.]
1.2 Hittite
arāi-/-i(ya)-(ḫi)
‘to arise, rebel’1.2.1Literature / Comments
HW 2nd ed. A:244-248; cf. Sasseville 2021a:403 n. 4
2. Reconstruction
2.1Reconstruction ‘to arise’
The equation between Lyc. erije-(ti) ‘to arise, rebel’ and Hittite arāi-/-i(ya)-(ḫi) allows for the reconstruction of a Proto-Anatolian root verb of the ḫi-conjugation, i.e. *h3ór-/h3r-´ ‘to arise’, which was secondarily transferred to the class of verbs in *-oi̯h1/-ih1- (Sasseville 2021a:429-437, 544; for the root see Oettinger 2004c:402 n. 16 and Oettinger 1979a:460), i.e. *h3r-ói̯h1/-ih1-´ (similarly EDHIL:200, differently Jasanoff 2003a:150 from a root “*Hrei̯H-” and Melchert 1994a:67 “*h1reih1-” (following an earlier publication of Jasanoff). As argued by Oettinger 2004c:402, the best way to explain the disappearance of the laryngeal in the verbs and their derivatives vis-à-vis its preservation in other nominal formations (e.g. Pal. ḫāriš-, CLuw. ḫarmaḫ(i)-) is to use Saussure’s Law in *h3r-ói̯h1/-ih1-´ > *r-ói̯h1/-ih1-´ → (with restitution of the root vowel *-o- due to the intolerance of word-initial *r-) *or-ói̯h1/-ih1-´ > Hitt. arāi-/-i(ya)-(ḫi) and erije-(ti) (The original color of the Lycian root er- (< *or-) is supported by the derivative erawazije- beside arawazije- with vowel harmony.). This explanation requires however that the root had the zero-grade in the strong and weak stems, once it had received the enlargement *-ói̯h1/-ih1-´ (omitted in Sasseville 2021a:435). One should also take note of the Hittite medio-passive verb ārta ‘he stands’ (< *h3(é)r-to) built on the same root (see Oettinger 1979a:523, EDHIL:195f.).
[D.S.]
See also the parallel but transitive formation PAnat. *h3r-i̯é/ó- ‘to raise’.
3. Proto-Indo-European
3.1Semantic Reconstruction
The ḫi-verb PAnat. *h3ór‑/*h3r̥‑´ ‘to arise’ has no non-Anatolian cognates; thus, no PIE reconstruction is given here.
3.1.1Root etymology
The root underlying Lyc. A erije‑(ti) ‘to arise, rebel’ and Hitt. arāi‑/‑i(ya)‑(ḫi) ‘id.’ is PIE *h3er- ‘to begin to move, rise’ (LIV2:299–301), which is separated from PIE *h1er- ‘to attain, reach’, cf. already Rix 1970a:92f., 98–100, esp. 100. Especially in Indo-Iranian, due to the phonological collapse of post-PIE *e and *o (and *a), the continuants of the roots PIE *h1er- ‘to attain, reach’ (LIV²:238) and PIE *h3er- ‘to begin to move, rise’ (LIV²:299–301) – as well as PIE 1.*h2er- ‘to join’ (LIV²:269f.) and 2.*h2er- ‘to take’ (LIV²:270) – are hard to distinguish semantically (cf. most recently Gotō 2020a).Cf. also some formations from other languages like, e.g., OCS(+) rinǫti sę ‘to leap at’ or Gk. aor. 3sg. ἔρετο ‘(Gk.) ὡρμήθη, started to move’ (Hsch. ε 5742 Latte) that may belong to other roots, cf. EDSIL:436 and PIE *h1er- ‘to attain, reach’, resp.The situation in other languages like Greek (ὀρ‑ vs. ἐρ‑) and Latin (or‑), however, facilitate the disambiguation, which is why the root can confidently be reconstructed as PIE *h3er- ‘to begin to move, rise’ (cf. also LIV²:299–301 with n. 1).
3.2Morphological Reconstruction
The ḫi-verb PAnat. *h3ór‑/*h3r̥‑´ ‘to arise’ has no non-Anatolian cognates. Therefore, no PIE reconstruction is given here.
3.2.1Root etymology
While PAnat. *h3ór‑/*h3r̥‑´ ‘to arise’, its continuants and derivatives have lost their anlauting laryngeal in the context of the ‘Saussure effect’ (cf. above sub PAnat. reconstruction), the semantics as well as some nominal continuants like Pal. ḫāriš- ‘lung’, CLuw. ḫarmaḫ(i)-, and perhaps PAnat. *Hóron- ‘eagle’, prove the existence of the root PIE *h3er- ‘to begin to move, rise’ (LIV²:299–301) in Anatolian.PIE *h3rei̯H- ‘to undulate, swirl’ (LIV²:305f.), *h3reu̯H- ‘to roar’ (LIV²:306; < ‘to raise one’s voice’?) and *h3rei̯- ‘to rise’ (LIV²:252 s.v. *h1rei̯-) may also belong here, cf. LIV²:252 s.v. n. 1 on the latter: “Möglich auch *Hrei̯H‑” which opens up the possibility to reconstruct the root as PIE *h3rei̯- ‘to rise’. This would have to be interpreted as some kind of i‑extended root.
[A.O.]
4. Transmission
PIE root aorist *h3ér-/*h3r̥‑´, cf. Hitt. arta ‘stands’, Ved. (prá) ārta ‘began to move’ (RV+), OAv. imp. uz-ārǝšuuā ‘move!, head off!’ (Bartholomae 1904a:183), Gk. ὦρτο ‘arose, started up’ (GEW I:422–424, GEW III:163f., DELG:823f., EDG:1107, LSJ:1254f.), (?)Toch. B konj. ertär ‘may evoke’ (Malzahn 2010a:541f., Hackstein 1995a:47–49)
(?)nu-present *h3r̥-néu̯/nu-, cf. Ved. ṛṇóti ‘id.’ (RV+), Gk. ὄρνυμι ‘to urge on, incite’, Arm. y-aṙnem ‘to rise’ (Klingenschmitt 1982a:161f., Olsen 1999a:767), (?)OCS(+) rinǫti sę ‘to leap at’ (EDSIL:436)
LIV²:299–301, LIV²+ s.v. *h3er-, IEW:326–329
Ved. ¹AR (RV+), OAv. īratū ‘he shall reach’, YAv. ǝrǝnao° ‘to send, bring’,
EWAia I:105f. s.v. AR¹, Graßmann 1996a:98–101, Bartholomae 1904a:183f., Bartholomae 1906a:116, Gotō 2020a
Lat. orīrī ‘to rise, arise’, Umbr. urtu, ortom, etc. ‘emerged, arisen’ (IgT)
WH II:222f., EM:468, EDLIL:434f., OLD2:1397, Untermann 2000a:807f.
OCS rasti, Russ. rastí ‘to grow’
EDSIL:376, REW II:494, Villanueva 2010a:210–212
Toch. A ar‑, Toch. B er- ‘to evoke, cause’
DTB2:98f., Malzahn 2010a:541f., Hackstein 1995a:47–49

