*Hupéh2-
‘heap’
- Language
- Proto-Anatolian
- Class
- Derivative
- Grammar
- subst
- ID
- 641
1. Individual Anatolian Languages
1.1 Lycian A
xupa-
‘grave’1.1.1Transmission
This lexeme is well attested in funerary inscriptions both of eastern and western Lycia.
[D.S.]
1.1.2Forms
1.1.3Graphic Features
The form xupa in TL 139.1 is here emended to xupã! based on the expected accusative common gender ending. Contra Neumann 2007a:140, one cannot account for the accusative ending in -a by postulating a collective, which makes less sense for the lexeme ‘grave’ referring to a single rock-carved tomb. Furthermore, based on the high number of attestations with an accusative singular common gender ending, the assignment of a collective in this one particular case is not persuasive.
[D.S.]
1.1.4Meaning ‘grave, rock-carved grave’
Lycian xupa- is used to designate the grave to which it refers in a funerary inscription. In the Greek-Lycian bilingual inscription TL 56, xupa- is translated with Gk. μνῆμα. Since Greek μνῆμα is used to designate any type of “monuments”, it is of no help for determining the precise meaning of Lycian xupa-. Hestermann 1916a:192-195 undertakes an investigation of three Lycian lexemes referring to graves and notices that xupa- never designates a sarcophagus as opposed to prñnawa- and ñtata-, but either a rock-carved grave or a simple grave. Thomsen 1899a:13 also postulates that xupa- refers to the entire rock-carved grave and not just a part of it. Laroche 1974b:130 suggests the meaning ‘hole’, in order to explain the absence of a cognate in Hittite; that is because the Hittites would have used incineration only. However, this is not a convincing argument.
Based on the contexts, the meaning ‘grave’, which often refers to a rock-carved grave, is the most accurate and prudent translation; cf. Borchhardt & Eichner 1997-1999a:61, Neumann 2007a:140. For any information regarding the original meaning see under Reconstruction.
[D.S.]
1.1.5Origin
There have been attempts at explaining Lycian xupa- ‘grave’ as a loanword. For example, Bugge 1897a:79 suggests a loanword from Syrian gubbā ‘hole’. Hestermann 1916a:194 suggests rather a borrowing from Greek κύπη ‘cavern’, which is only attested in Hesychius. None of these etymologies can be supported. The Lycian lexeme xupa- can be more easily explained as genuinely Anatolian; see under Reconstruction.
[D.S.]
1.2 Lycian B
*xupa-
‘grave’1.2.1Derivatives
1.3 Hittite
ḫūppa-
‘heap, pile’1.3.1Literature / Comments
Melchert 2007e:516, EDHIL:369. Outdated, HW (2nd ed.):728.
[D.S.]
1.4 Miscellaneous
Ancient Greek γῡ́πη
‘hollow, cavity; den, lair; corner, angle’1.4.1Origin
Melchert 1994a:303 proposed that Ancient Greek “γυπή” (recte γῡ́πη, LSJ:363 with Suppl. 80) ‘hole, lair’ of unknown origin was borrowed from Lycian xupa- ‘tomb’ before the devoicing of the Lycian initial consonant (his suggestion was ignored in both the latest Greek etymological dictionary [EDG:292] and most of the overviews of Anatolian – Greek loan contacts [Yakubovich 2010d:113f., 146f., Yakubovich 2013a:118–120; Sh. Hawkins 2010a:224f.; Gasbarra & Pozza 2012a:189–196; Hajnal 2014a:110f., Hajnal 2018a:2041f.; Oreshko 2018a]). However, Simon 2018a:389 with refs. pointed out that this explanation is not possible phonologically, since the initial consonant of the Lycian word continues a laryngeal (see also below under Reconstruction). He argued furthermore that the Greek word could have been borrowed before the change ‹*ḫ › > ‹x›, i.e. in Pre-Lycian, since the Lycian sound was regularly substituted with kappa in Greek, but the substitution of the laryngeal with gamma would be fitting from a phonetic point of view. Also the semantics (Lycian ‘(rock-carved) grave’, see above, and Greek ‘hollow, cavity; den, lair; corner, angle’) seems to be supportive to the loanword hypothesis.
[Zs.S.]
2. Reconstruction
2.1Reconstruction ‘heap’
Any attempt to reconstruct Lycian xupa- to a root beginning with a velar stop must be abandoned (pace Melchert 2012a:208, who posits an etymology with Proto-Germanic *xufa- ‘house, hill’). There is no evidence that *k-, *g- or *gh developed to Lyc.
The semantic development from ‘that which has been thrown’ → ‘heap, mound’ → ‘grave’ is unproblematic. Naturally, the rocked-carved graves of classical Lycia have nothing to do with “mounds” or “heaps”. But, since only the wealthy families could afford a rock-carved grave, one cannot exclude that the funerary term xupa- has arisen out of a different burial system (e.g. funeral pyre, tumulus), and, then, became the general term for ‘grave’. Therefore, the rock-carved graves cannot be used as an argument against the original semantics posited here. Moreover, Eichner 2017a:283 makes us aware of the presence of tumuli (heap of stones) in Lycia dated to the pre-classical period; for which see Hülden 2011a. These tumuli may have been called xupa- by the Lycians, which would be the original meaning, before this term was used for graves in general.
The Hittite cognate ḫūppa- c. ‘heap, piles’ must also represent a verbal noun in *-eh2-, because it shows a clear zero-grade of the root and, therefore, a ‘τόμος’-type is excluded. The consistent plene writing in the first syllable with the sign , i.e. ḫu-u-up-pV- (EDHIL:369), represents a synchronic accented /ṓ/, /ó/ and less likely unaccented /o/ (Kloekhorst 2014b:533). If the word is barytone, this means that the accent must have been retracted at an early stage and then the short *u was lengthened under the accent (Melchert 1994a:106-108), i.e. PA *Hu̯ep- → *Hupéh2- >> Pre-Hitt. *Húpā- > Hitt. ḫūppa- c. ‘heap, pile’. For the Anatolian retraction of the accent in morphologically unanalyzable forms, see Yates 2015a.
Hajnal 1994a:148 n. 36 connects Lyc. xupa- ‘grave’ with Hitt. ḫuwapp-(mi) ‘to do evil against’ and posits for the original semantics of the root the meaning ‘high’. Then, he accounts for the meaning of Lycian xupa- by the fact that the rock-carved graves are located in heights. This etymology is far-fetched on the semantic side. Moreover, based on the equation between Hitt. ḫūppa- and Lyc. xupa-, the connection with the root ḫuwapp- ‘to throw’ is considered superior. For a possible distinction between the root of ḫuwapp- ‘to throw’ and the one of ḫuwapp- ‘to do evil against’ see Melchert 2007e, but cf. EDHIL:369-371.
For an overview of outdated hypotheses regarding the etymology of Lycian xupa- see Neumann 2007a:140.
[D.S.]
For the Proto-Indo-European root etymology see PAnat. *HupraH-.