/attan(i)-/, COR-ni-

‘soul, self’

Language
Hieroglyphic Luwian
Class
Base
Grammar
subst
ID
525

1. Individual Anatolian Languages

1.1 Hieroglyphic Luwian

/attan(i)-/, COR-ni-

‘soul, self’

1.1.1Transmission

This noun is attested in inscriptions coming from several Neo-Hittite states. The earliest one is TELL AHMAR 2 (late 10th – early 9th century BCE). The other inscriptions all can be dated to the 8th century BCE. In the instance of KÖRKÜN, the 9th century date cannot be excluded, the date of İSTANBUL 1 is uncertain.  

[I.Y.]

1.1.2Forms

acc. sg. /attanin/ COR-ni-i-na JISR EL HADID 4 § 3 (Amuq)
    COR-ni-na KULULU 4 § 9 (Tabal)
    COR?-ni-na İSTANBUL 1 § 6 (Miscellaneous)
dat./loc. sg.  /attani/ “COR”-ta-ni ASSUR letter f+g § 29 (Assur)
    COR-ni-i TELL AHMAR 2 § 13 (Tell Ahmar)
    COR-ni İSTANBUL 2 C 1 (Tabal)
instr. /attanadi/ “COR”-na-ti KÖRKÜN § 3 (Karkamiš)
    COR-na-ti ÇINEKÖY § 9 (Karkamiš)
unknown   ˹COR?˺-na-‹x› MALPINAR § 11 (Karkamiš)

The lexical and grammatical assignment of ˹?˺-na-x (KARKAMIŠ A29b) is dubious. The lexical assignment of ?-ni-na (İSTANBUL 1 § 6) cannot be regarded as assured.

[I.Y.]

1.1.3Graphic Features

1.1.3.1Phonological Interpretation

The only occurrence of the spelling ”-ta-ni in ASSUR letter f+g § 29 cannot be regarded as an argument that COR functions here as a determinative. Nevertheless, the transliteration ”-ta-ni preferred here is essentially based on etymological considerations (see Reconstruction).

According to Melchert 2010e:8 the co-occurrence of -tara/i-na, -la-ti-i-´, and -ni-na in the same inscription KULULU 4 (misspelled KULULU 5) indicates that “the common gender stems /atra/i-/ and /atna/i-/ represent different modifications of a single heteroclite neuter noun in -r/-n-”. While Melchert’s historical claim is ultimately likely to be correct (see Reconstruction), this particular argument is hardly relevant for the prehistory of /attan(i)-/, but rather speaks in favor of  synchronic distinction between /attan(i)-/ and /atr(i)-/ (cf. below).

The transcription /attan(i)-/, as opposed to /atn(i)-/, is due to the absence of any unambiguous interpretations of /tn/ clusters in the corpus of Luwian hieroglyphic texts. Cf. further under /wattani(ya)-/ ‘country’.

[I.Y.]

1.1.4Meaning

The separation of this lexeme from Luw. /atr(i)-/ (q.v.) is proposed in van den Hout 2002a essentially on formal grounds. The merger between /n/ and /r/ does not belong to the standard features of the Luwian language, except for the very late period, and clearly cannot account for the spelling -ni-i in TELL AHMAR 2. In addition, the spellings with <na> and <ni> after <COR> are simply too frequent to be all explained by phonetic variation.

Van den Hout (ibid.) attempted to corroborate his claim by postulating the semantic contrast between /(a)tra/i-/atla/i-/ ‘self’ and /attan(i)-/ ‘soul, self’. But the best argument in favor of semantic distinction between these two nouns became available later, with the publication of JISR EL HADID 4 (Dinçol, Dinçol, Hawkins & Peker 2014a). Contrary to the translation of the editio princeps, one can suggest the following interpretation of D1 §§ 2-3: “But I, Runtapi, made his image, and for his paternal gods I exalted his soul”. The proposed translation implies a contrast between -tara/i-i-, the representation of the deceased and -ni-i-, his spiritual substance that can be exalted by means of creating such a representation. This contrast, in turn, helps to explain the similar opposition in KULULU 4. Here, the narrator Ruwa informs us in §4 that the gods put on/into him a beloved -tara/i-. At this point Ruwa is alive, and so one can hypothesize that -tara/i- refers to his self, encompassing both his physical and spiritual features. In §9, however, we learn that the gods took from Ruwa his -ni-. This presumably happened after he died, and so it stands to reason that -ni- refers to his soul, which is only partially co-referential with his former self. The last explanation may appear speculative, but the co-occurrence between -tara/i-(i)- and -ni-(i)- in the same order in two unrelated inscriptions is in in itself an argument in favor of their lexical difference. If these two stems reflected a mere graphic variation, one would expect them to cluster in different inscriptions, depending on the conventions preferred by individual scribes. For these reasons, the attempt to reject the synchronic distinction between the two stems undertaken in Hawkins 2015a:53 remains unpersuasive.

At the same time, there are other contexts, in particular ÇINEKÖY § 9 and TELL AHMAR 2 § 13, where the translation ‘self’ appears to be contextually appropriate. Consequently, one can postulate the partially overlapping meanings.  The noun /atr(i)-/ could mean ‘person, self’ and secondarily also ‘image’, but not ‘soul’, while the /attan(i)-/ meant ‘soul, self’ but not ‘image’.     

[I.Y.]

1.1.5Stem

The paradigm collected above clearly speaks in favor of the semi-vocalic stem /attan(i)-/.

[I.Y.]

1.1.6Derivatives

  1. /attanassam(a)-/
  2. /attani(ya)-/

2. Reconstruction

2.1Reconstruction

The comparison with Luw. /attanassamm(a)-/ pleads for the reality of the initial a- in /attan(i)-/, which speaks in turn against its comparison with Hitt. ištanzan- ‘soul’ offered in van den Hout 2002a:180. Furthermore, there is no easy way of explaining Hitt. ištanzan- as a derivative of an n-stem, as shown in (Melchert 2003d). Thus, despite the semantically attractive character of van den Hout’s etymology, it faces unsurmountable formal difficulties.

According to the alternative solution, mentioned in Melchert 2010e:8 with reference to Hajnal 1995a:244f., the stems /atr(i)-/ and /attan(i)-/ may represent vestiges of a heteroclitic neuter stem. One possibility of its evolution can be sketched as follows.  Proto-Anatolian *ā́tor/ *æ̅téns was reshaped as *ā́tor / *æ̅tenós in accordance with the general tendency to eliminate proterokinetic stems in Anatolian. The collapse of the heteroclitic paradigm led to the formation of the common gender thematic stem *æ̅tenó-, while *ā́tor acquired the tertiary genitive *ātrós. Finally, the new common gender thematic stem *ātró- was formed on the basis of the oblique forms of *ā́tor. The accents of the thematic stems may naturally have undergone further analogical changes. The presentation in terms of Proto-Anatolian reconstruction is merely a convenient device; some of these changes could happen at a different point in time, for example, in Proto-Luwic. Whichever chronology one prefers, the Luwian stem /attan(i)-/ emerges as an archaism, which is apparently lost in the other Luwic languages. The semantic proximity of /atr(i)-/ and /attan(i)-/ correlates with their common origin, but also motivates the precarious character of their coexistence.     

[I.Y.]

For the lemma head see HLuw. /atr(i)-/.

Cross-references