*mElH-eh2-
‘offering (?)’
- Language
- Proto-Anatolian
- Grammar
- subst
- ID
- 2285
1. Individual Anatolian Languages
1.1 Hieroglyphic Luwian
*/malha-/
‘offering (?)’1.1.1Derivatives
1.2 Cuneiform Luwian
*malḫa-
‘offering (?)’1.2.1Derivatives
1.3 Lycian A
mla-
‘votive offering (vel sim.)’1.3.1Transmission
This lexeme is found in various grave and dedicatory inscriptions.
[D.S.]
1.3.2Forms
| nom. sg. | mla | TL 35.4 (Kadyanda) |
| acc. sg. | mlã | TL 143.4 (Limyra) |
| nom./acc. coll. | mla | TL 65.16 (Isinda) |
| gen. pl. | mlẽ | TL 29.6 (Tlos) |
The interpretation of mla at TL 35.4 as nominative singular is supported by the following pronoun ehbi ‘his’, whereas a nom./acc. coll. would fail to provide a proper syntactic agreement (pace DLL:40). Melchert 1994a:316 has the word señnemlẽ, here interpreted as se=ñne=mlẽ, instead as se=n͂nemlẽ with some kind of assimilation for se=n͂temlẽ (differently Schürr 2018b:74 “carving mistake”). He argues for this sound change with the help of =epn͂ne, equating it with epn͂te, which is not entirely assured. The presence of a dat. pl. pronoun =n͂ne in se=ñne=mlẽ seems preferable due to the expected reference to the sick (Lyc. A inahe) mentioned in the previous clause.
[D.S.]
1.3.3Graphic Features
For the attestation of mlã, see Lyc. A n͂naza-.
[D.S.]
1.3.4Meaning
On contextual and etymological grounds, Melchert (DLL:40, 121) suggests that mla- in Lycian A and B means ‘sacrificial offering’ (followed by Gehrisch 2018a:39, 48, 117 and Sasseville 2021a:158). Unfortunately, some of the contexts in Lycian A are either fragmentary or obscure, and the semantic assignment hence partly depends on the Lycian B attestations. Furthermore, the semantics can be supported by the derivative mlat(i)- and by the compound n͂temle-. The old meaning ‘clan, family (?)’ is now outdated, see Neumann 2007a:219 with further references.
[D.S.]
1.3.5Compounds
1.3.6Derivatives
1.4 Lycian B
mla-
‘votive offering (vel sim.)’1.4.1Transmission
This lexeme is attested in the inscription of the inscribed pillar of Xanthos, dated contextually to shortly after the ascension of Artaxerxes II in 405-404 BCE and stylistically to around 400 BCE (Borchhardt & Eichner 1997-1999a:19f.) as well as in the poetical inscription engraved on the lion sarcophagus of Antiphellos, dated on stylistic grounds to the beginning of the 4th century BCE (Zahle 1979a:318, Mühlbauer 2007a:91).
[D.S.]
1.4.2Forms
1.4.3Meaning
On contextual and etymological grounds, Melchert (DLL:40, 121) suggests that mla- in Lycian A and B means ‘offering (vel sim.)’ (followed by Gehrisch 2018a:108 “sacrifice”, Sasseville 2021a:310 “mla-offering”; differently Shevoroshkin 2011b:151 “pledge” and Shevoroshkin 2012a:463 “obligations”). Schürr 1997c:138 (and Schürr 2018b:72) suggests the meaning ‘song, poem’. It is entirely possible that mla- can refer to a song dedicated to the gods (e.g. in TL 55.1 mlu denotes the poetic inscription dedicated to the nymphs), although this is not necessarily the basic meaning. A more neutral ‘votive offering’ is also possible and more prudent. Twice the accusative object mlu is modified by plluwi ‘from Pinara’, which would imply that the offerings in question stem from the town Pinara. The etymological connections with HLuw. ma-lu-wa/i- and Hitt. malteššar (often repeated in the literature) are phonologically unacceptable. A more convincing etymology is CLuw. malḫašša- ‘ritual’ (mentioned in DLL:40), whose base *malḫa- can be phonologically and morphologically equated to Lyc. mla-. The connection with esẽnẽmla- is considered here to be outdated (see under lemma). For a list of outdated hypotheses, see Neumann 2007a:221.
[D.S.]
1.4.4Stem
Contra Schürr 1997c:138 (and Schürr 2005a:144), mlu cannot reflect a u-stem, because it is contradicted by the derivatives and the Lycian A attestations. The ending -u comes instead from the acc. sg. ending -ã (thus implicitly DLL:121).
[D.S.]
1.4.5Compounds
1.4.6Derivatives
2. Reconstruction
2.1Reconstruction ‘offering (?)’
Melchert (DLL:40) compares etymologically Lyc. mla- ‘votive offering’ with CLuw. malḫašša- ‘ritual (offerings)’, which is semantically and phonologically plausible. The laryngeal in Lycian would have been lost in the cluster -lḫ- (cf. Hitt. šalli- vs. CLuw. šalḫa(/i)- vs. Lyc. B sla-(ti)). Melchert further assumes a connection with CLuw. mal(a)i-(di) ‘to think, contemplate’, connected to PIE *mel- (see Rieken 1999a:49-51), which would however require a laryngeal extension, which makes it less attractive. In any case, this is not the only possibility; one could instead consider another root such as PIE *melh3- ‘to emerge’ (Gk. βλώσκω ‘to come, go’, slov. molíti ‘to stretch out’; see LIV²:432), i.e. a root of movement, whose abstract formation *molh3-eh2- (or *ml̥h3-eh2) > CLuw. *malḫa-, Lyc. mla- c. would have come to refer to votive offerings. Pending further evidence, any etymology is considered here to be tentative and thus the root is reconstructed here for reasons of caution as *melH-.
[D.S.]

