/aliwann(i)-, alunn(i)-/, ali-wa/i-ní-

This lexeme is attested eighteen times in inscriptions from Boğazköy, Aleppo, Karkamiš, Tabal and Tell Ahmar, dating to between the 13^th century and the mid- to late 8^th century BCE.

[A.P.]

nom. sg.	/alunnis/	*a-la/i-la/i/u-ní-sa	BABYLON 1, §11 (Aleppo)
			BABYLON 1, §12 (Aleppo)
dat./loc. sg.	/(a)liwanni/	(a)li-wa/i-ní	SÜDBURG, §1 (Boğazköy)
			SÜDBURG, §3a (Boğazköy)
			SÜDBURG, §6 (Boğazköy)
			SÜDBURG, §7 (Boğazköy)
			SÜDBURG, §9 (Boğazköy)
			SÜDBURG, §11 (Boğazköy)
acc. pl.	/(a)liwanninzi/	(a)li-wa/i-ní-zi/a	SÜDBURG, §3b (Boğazköy)
		(VIR)(a)li-wa/i-ní	KIZILDAĞ 4, §3 (Tabal)
	/alanninzi/	*a-la/i-ní-zi	TELL AHMAR 6, §5 (Tell Ahmar)
		*a-la/i-ni-zi	TELL AHMAR 6, §21 (Tell Ahmar)
			KARKAMIŠ A23, §4 (Karkamiš)
	/alunninzi/	á-ru-ni-i-zi	SULTANHAN, §9 (Tabal)
dat./loc. pl.	/alannanz/	*a-la/i-na-za	KARKAMIŠ A23, §5 (Karkamiš)

The HLuw. corpus holds a number of different spellings for this word, see the phonological interpretation below. It is possible that the attestations should be split into different lexemes after all, but as long as definitive proof is lacking, they remain assigned to a single lexeme.

In BABYLON 1, §11 and §12, the word is spelt with two different signs for the values /lV/ following one another, viz. 〈la/i〉 (sign *319) and 〈la/i/u〉 (*445). Since HLuw., as a general rule, does not indicate gemination and the present word is unlikely to feature a geminate /ll/ at any rate, the reason for this spelling is currently unknown; cf. also Melchert 2019b:371. In fact, it is possible that the spelling may reflect a different phonological shape such as /alalunn(i)-/ vel sim. and hence a different lexeme, but further data are necessary to decide the matter.

The analysis of most of the SÜDBURG occurrences as dat./loc. sg. and SÜDBURG, §3b as acc. pl. follows Melchert 2018a:234-236. A different view is held by Yakubovich 2008b:7, 9, who analyses the string as 〈(a)li-wa/i-ní zi/a〉, i.e. a noun followed by a demonstrative, both without overt inflection (as is usual for SÜDBURG) and translating as ‘this enemy’. Alternatively, the word at §3b may represent a different lexeme, viz. /(a)liwanni(ya)-/, an adjective in /-i(ya)-/ (Rieken, pers. comm.).

[A.P.] [AH.B.]

Previous taken for a title, this word underwent reinterpretation by Yakubovich 2008b:15-17, and the link with /alunnazza-⁽ⁱ⁾/ ‘to become envious’ further supports this view. As Melchert 2019b:368 remarks, the proximity of the semantic domains envy and enemy is unsurprising. The meaning is apparent e.g. in KARKAMIŠ A23, §§4-5 with the author paying hommage to the goddess Kubaba for her perceived support: *a-wa/i-mu mi-zi *a-la/i-ni-zi pi-pa-sa-ta *a-mu-pa-wa/i *a-la/i-na-za NEG₂ pi-ia-ta, approx. /a=wa=mu amminzi alanninzi pibassatta ammu=ba=wa alannanz na piyatta/, meaning ‘She (scil. the goddess Kubaba) kept giving my enemies to me, but she did not give me to (my) enemies’ (cf. Hawkins 2000a:119).Examining the occurrence of Lycian place names in HLuw. texts, Schürr 2010d:24-26 also deals with the recurrent noun /aliwann(i)-/, showing that it denotes (a group of) people from outside the authors’ immediate reign. He uses the approximative term “aliwanische Männer”.

The SÜDBURG attestations present a unique challenge, since the entire inscription is ill-understood and as one of the earliest HLuw. texts, it lacks many of the later features such as word-dividers and clause-initial clitics that aid in the interpretation of the content. No stance is taken here on the different views expressed by Yakubovich 2008b, Hawkins & Morpurgo Davies 2010a, Weeden 2014a, Melchert 2018a, and Melchert 2019b.

[AH.B.]

This word is a substantivised former adjective in /-wann(i)-/, which Yakubovich 2008b:15-17 regards as deriving from an unattested */ali(ya)-/ ‘other’ vel sim., in more detail Rieken & Yakubovich 2022a:273f., who see the derivational chain */al- + -wa- + -ann(i)-/.

For a full appraisal of the morphological structure found throughout the word family, see Rieken & Yakubovich 2022a:279f.

[AH.B.]

1. /aliwannid-/