da-(di)

‘to give’

Language
Lycian
Grammar
verb
ID
2557

1. Individual Anatolian Languages

1.1 Lycian A

da-(di)

‘to give’

1.1.1Transmission

This lexeme is found in a grave inscription in an obscure passage, but one should also compare the Lyc. A reduplicated form dda- (under Derivatives) and the Lycian B corresponding verb da-(di).

[D.S.]

1.1.2Forms

3sg. pres. ind. act. dadi TL 118.5 (Limyra)

One should also compare the lexeme la-, whose attestations are likewise read with the initial letter d sometimes instead of l, both of which can be easily confused.

[D.S.]

1.1.3Graphic Features

Neumann 1984b:95 (and Neumann 2007a:67) interprets the segment eridadi as eri + de + adi ‘he makes’ (tentatively followed by Melchert (DLL:16)). Differently, Neumann 2007a:35 suggests eri + dadi (to the verb da-) (likewise Eichner 2007a:107 n. 20, Sasseville 2021a:305), which is more adequate. For a new edition of the inscription, see Christiansen 2020a:252.

[D.S.]

1.1.4Meaning

The verb eridadi (eri + dadi) refers to a damaging action that can be performed within a precinct. Neumann 2007a:35 suggests ‘to take away’ based on an etymological comparison with Hitt. dā-/d-(ḫi) ‘to take’ (followed by Gehrisch 2018a:157 ‘to receive’, differently Neumann 1984b:95 ‘to do away’; see under Stem). Christiansen 2020a:253 refrains from translating the passage, which she defines as “unclear”. Based on the association with the Lycian B verb da-(di) ‘to give’ (clearly attested in Lycian A as reduplicated ddawu ‘I give’), Sasseville 2021a:306 suggests the same basic meaning ‘to give’, but admits that the function of the Lycian preverb eri, which could modify the semantics, is still obscure. If eri means ‘away’, the meaning ‘to give (things) away’ would be contextually plausible, but would need further support.

[D.S.]

1.1.5Stem

For the verbal stem class, see Sasseville 2021a:304f.

[D.S.]

1.1.6Derivatives

  1. dda-

  2. ddewe-

  3. ddewi-(ti)

1.2 Lycian B

da-(di)

‘to give’

1.2.1Transmission

This lexeme is found once in the poetical inscription engraved on the lion sarcophagus of Antiphellos, dated on stylistic grounds to the beginning of the 4th century BCE (Zahle 1979a:318, Mühlbauer 2007a:91) as well as on the inscribed pillar of Xanthos, dated contextually to shortly after the ascension of Artaxerxes II in 405-404 BCE and stylistically to around 400 BCE (Borchhardt & Eichner 1997-1999a:19f.).

[D.S.]

1.2.2Forms

3pl. pret. ind. act. date TL 55.3 (Antiphellos)
3sg. impv. act. dadu TL 44d.36 (Xanthos)

For the assignment of these forms to the lexeme da-(di), see also Schürr 2005a:136 (and Schürr 2018b:66) and Sasseville 2021a:305. The form date represents a case of nasal reduction for expected *dãte (Schürr 2005a:136, Sasseville 2021a:305, contra DLL:113). This claim is supported by its verbal stem class (see Sasseville 2021a ibid.).

[D.S.]

1.2.3Graphic Features

Friedrich 1932a:71 transliterates a word divider based on the autography of Kalinka 1901a:54, whereas Schürr 2005a:121, 125 does not transliterate an erroneous word divider in da{:}te, but rather records it as date, taking the possible dots as being non genuine. The erroneous word divider led Gehrisch 2018a:107, 110 astray.

[D.S.]

1.2.4Meaning

In TL 44d.30, the subjects of the verb dadu are deities, the direct object something beneficial, and the indirect object the Lycian king. Based on these observations, Sasseville 2018a:310 assigns the meaning ‘to give’ to the lexeme da-(di), which is contextually supported, comparing further a parallel formula in a Greek inscription from Xanthos (left untranslated in Schürr 2018b:96). Gehrisch 2018a:91, 95 translates it with ‘to take’ based on the etymological approach with Hitt. dā-/d-(ḫi), which is contextually and syntactically unattractive; for the relationship between Lycian da-(di) and the Hittite verb, see under Reconstruction. The semantics are also adequate for the syntax of TL 55.3, in which it is also used with a direct and indirect object. Contra Shevoroshkin 2014a:250, who equates da-(di) with Lyc. A ta-(di) ‘to place’.

[D.S.]

1.2.5Stem

For the stem formation, see Sasseville 2021a:304f.

[D.S.]

1.2.6Derivatives

  1. dewe/i-

2. Reconstruction

2.1Reconstruction

Sasseville 2021a:305-307 analyzes Lyc. da-(di) ‘to give’ historically as a root formation of the mi-conjugation build to the root *deh3- ‘to give/take’, i.e. *déh3-/dh3 ‘to give’ (lenition of the ending following the loss of the laryngeal and compensatory lengthening). The semantics of ‘to give’ instead of ‘to take’ as in the already established formation of the ḫi-conjugation, i.e. PAnat. *dóh3-/dh3 (Hitt. dā-/d-(ḫi) and Luw. /la-(i)/ ‘to take’), would be due to the stem formation. For the a-vocalism of the root in Lycian da-(di), which would have been generalized from the weak stem, and for the word-initial d-, see Sasseville 2021a ibid.

[D.S.]

3. Proto-Indo-European

3.1Semantic Reconstruction

The Core IE root aorist *déh3/*dh3‑´ ‘to give’ is attested in nearly every branch of IE, save in Germanic, and corresponds semantically to the PAnat. mi-verb *déh3/*dh3‑´ ‘to give’.For the ḫi-inflected root verb with the opposite meaning ‘to take’, cf. PAnat. *dóh3‑/*dh3- ‘to take’.Therefore, the root aorist PIE *déh3/*dh3‑´ ‘to give’ can be reconstructed for PIE, cf. LIV²:105f.

3.1.1Root etymology

In some branches (e.g., in Celtic or Iranian), the semantically close roots PIE *dheh1- ‘to put’ and *deh3- ‘to give’ merged phonologically which is why, esp. in preverb formations that are semantically remote from the core meaning, they cannot always be distinguished. In any case, the meaning of the root PIE *deh3- can certainly be reconstructed as ‘to give’ (LIV²:105f.) based also on the other formations like the reduplicated present and various nominal formations, cf. LIV²:105f., LIV²+ s.v. deh3-, IEW:223–226, NIL:60–69.

3.2Morphological Reconstruction

Of the two root verbs attested in Anatolian, only PAnat. *déh3/*dh3‑´ ‘to give’ can be reconstructed for PIE.For the ḫi-verb, cf. PAnat. *dóh3‑/*dh3- ‘to take’.As this stem is attested in every but one (Germ.) of the main IE branches, at least in petrified relics as in Tocharian, the reconstruction of the root aorist PIE *déh3/*dh3‑´ ‘to give’ is beyond any doubt, cf. LIV²:105f.

3.2.1Root etymology

The shape of the root PIE *deh3- ‘to give’ (LIV²:105f.) is reconstructable unambiguously.For the possible root variant PIE ?*deh3u̯- ‘to give’, cf. Pal. tāzzu- ‘to take’.

[A.O.]

4. Transmission

PIE root aorist *déh3/*dh3‑´ ‘to give’, cf. below for the transmission
LIV²:105f., LIV²+ s.v. deh3-, IEW:223–226, LIPP II:132–135 (on the petrified aorist imperative PIE *déh3 ‘give!, now then!’)For nominal formations, cf. IEW:223–226, NIL:60–69.

Ved. aor. (á‑)dā- (RV+), OAv. aor. dā- ‘gave’
EWAia I:713–715, Grassmann 1996a:587–592 (esp. c. 590), EDIV:43–45 (esp. p. 43), Bartholomae 1904a:711–723

Gk. aor. 1pl. ἔ‑δομεν ‘gave’, 3sg. midd. ἔ‑δοτο, 1sg. ἔ‑δω-κα, etc. ‘gave’, Myc. 3sg. do-ke /dōke/, etc.The suffixal(?) ‑k- in the Gk. aor. sg. is secondary.
GEW I:388f., GEW III:73f., DELG:279–281, EDG:331f., LfgrE II:287–297, DMic I:171–173 (esp. p. 172), Bartoněk 2003a:310f., LSJ:422f.

Arm. 3sg. e‑t, etc. ‘gave’
EDAIL:595, Belardi 2003a:160

Lat. impv. sg. ce‑do, pl. ce‑tte ‘give!, come!’ (Naev.+), (?)impv. sg. da, pl. date ‘give!’, (?)Fal. por-ded ‘gave (as a present)’ (EF 1), Venet. dot‑o (not †zoto as per IEW:224 et al.) ‘gave’ (frequently)
WH I:193, EM:109, EDLIL:102f., Bakkum 2009a:170, Lejeune 1974a:80, OLD²:321, Leppänen 2019a:119f.

Celtib. impv. tatuz ‘shall give’, OIr. perf. do-rat- ‘has given’
EDPC:86, LEIA R:7f., Schumacher 2004a:266, LIV²+ s.v. deh3- n. 16b

OCS aor. dachŭ ‘gave’
EDSIL:96, ESJS:123f.On the continuation of the root in Baltic, cf., e.g., ALEW 2.0 s.v. dúoti (2022-04-20) with refs.

OAlb. aor. dha- ‘gave’
Neri in DPEWA s.v. dha (2022-04-20), Demiraj 1997a:154f.

Toch. B impv. sg. pe-te, pl. pe‑tso, pe-tes ‘give!’, (?)Toch. A paṣ, pac ‘id.’, emphasizing ptcl. Toch. B =tsa, Toch. A =a‑ts
Hackstein 2001a, Malzahn 2010a:508, DTB²:107, 798, LIV²+ s.v. deh3- n. 12a

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