/sarl(a)i-^(di)/

Attested nine times, this verb can be found mostly in Commagene and Maraş, as well as Amuq and Karkamiš. The relevant inscriptions date to between the 10^th and the 8^th centuries BCE.

[AH.B.]

The first full description of the word family around Luw. /sarla/i-/ ‘superior’ was provided by Laroche 1959c, who pointed out its usage in sacrificial contexts, followed e.g. by Poetto 1986a:160 also for the reduplicated verb. The contexts show that /sarl(a)i-^(di)/ in HLuw. is usually used ditransitively with accusative coding for the object being offered in sacrifice and dative coding for the recipient, usually a deity or a statue representing a deity, cf. Sasseville 2021a:230.

[AH.B.]

The present verb belongs to the class in /-(a)i-^(di)/, whose singular forms show a stem in /-i-/, whereas the plurals (in so far as they are attested at all) show /-ai-/, cf. Sasseville 2021a:218f. The verb derives from the adjective /sarla/i/-/.

[AH.B.]

1. /sasarla-⁽ⁱ⁾/

Unsurprisingly, most of the many attestations come from religious text genres (from MS onwards). For further attestations, see CHD Š:273f. The participial form of the verb is also attested in the oronym ^ḪUR.SAGšarlaimma/i-; see HEG Š:913 and CHD Š:275 with references.

[E.R.]

The gen. sg. form of the verbal noun šarlumaš cannot go back directly to a stem šarlā(i)- with Hittite inflection (DCL:s.v.), but is probably adapted from a Luwian infinitive *šarluna and its hypostasis *šarluna- (Sasseville 2021a:132).

[E.R.]

Checked against the photographs in the Mainzer Fotoarchiv. – The traces of wedges in front of šar-l[u-m]a-aš at KUB 30.16 must be interpreted as a mistake, beginning the SAR sign on too high a level with regard to the virtual middle line. An interpretation as gloss wedges can be excluded, since there are at least three wedges visible.

[E.R.]

The semantic interpretation goes back to Götze’s (Götze 1930a:226f.) contextual analysis and has been accepted since (see HW:186, Laroche 1959c:291f., DLL:86, Starke 1990a:119, CLL:191, HHw:145, HEG Š:911-914, Ünal 2007a:614f., Yakubovich 2010d:236, Sasseville 2021a:100, HED SA:179-182, DCL:s.v.). The Luwian participle is used as an epithet with divine names (CHD Š:274f.) The use of the verb with a sacrificial animal as its direct object meaning ‘to offer in sacrifice’ mentioned in Sasseville 2021a:230 is limited to Hieroglyphic Luwian.

[E.R.]

The Hittite forms belong to a denominative stem in -ā(i)-^(mi)  derived from the adjectival base šarla/i- ‘high, superior’ (cf. Laroche 1959c:291f., DLL:86, Kronasser 1966a:211, 470, 479, Starke 1990a:119, CLL:191, Dempsey 2015a:276, HEG Š:912, Sasseville 2021a:229f., DCL:s.v.; implicit HED SA:179-182), whereas the Luwian participial forms go back to a Luwian verbal stem šarl(a)i-^(di) (see Starke 1990a:537, Sasseville 2021a:229f.).

[E.R.]

While no-one doubts the Luwian origin of the participle šarlaimma/i- (built from a Luwian verb šarl(a)i-^(di)), several scholars assume that Luw. šarl(a)i-^(di) has an inherited match in Hittite, which underlies the forms with Hittite inflectional suffixes (DLL:86, Laroche 1959c:296, HHw:145, HEG Š:912, HED SA:179-182). Others are explicit about Luwian as the sole origin of the verb (Kronasser 1966a:470, Starke 1990a:119, CLL:191, Melchert 2005a:448, CHD Š:274, DCL:s.v.).

[E.R.]

For the lemma head see CLuw. šarri.