/san(n)awi-/, sa-na-wa/i-

‘good (vel sim.)’

Language
Hieroglyphic Luwian
Grammar
adj
ID
1740

1. Individual Anatolian Languages

1.1 Hieroglyphic Luwian

/san(n)awi-/, sa-na-wa/i-

‘good’

1.1.1Transmission

Attested five times, the evidence for this lexeme can be found in Karkamiš and on several of the letters found in Assur but of uncertain origin, with the texts dating to the 8th century BCE.

[AH.B.]

1.1.2Forms

nom./acc. sg. n. /san(n)awidan=za/ BONUS-na-wa/i+ra/i-za YUNUS, §2 (Karkamiš)
acc. pl. c. /san(n)awinzi/ sa-na-wa/i-i-i-zi-i ASSUR letter d, §6 (Assur)
    sa-na-wa/i-i-zi ASSUR letter b, §9 (Assur)
nom./acc. pl. n. /san(n)awiya/ sa-na-wa/i-ia ASSUR letter c, §11 (Assur)
      ASSUR letter f+g, §36 (Assur)

The table includes the spelling attested in YUNUS, §2, 〈BONUS-na-wa/i+ra/i-za〉, following Yakubovich 2016b:481; see the discussion of the phonology below. The adjective is also used nominally in many contexts, relying on the neuter case forms and dealt with in a separate entry.

[AH.B.]

1.1.3Graphic Features

1.1.3.1Phonological Interpretation

Attested in partially and fully syllabic spelling, the phonological interpretation of this lexeme is certain. Its word family provides several more types with a considerable number of tokens, and in addition to that, it is supported by its cognate link to Hittite šanezzi- ‘pleasant, fine’; cf. HEG Š:817 and Yakubovich 2016b:472f.

The spelling 〈BONUS-na-wa/i+ra/i-za〉, attested in YUNUS, §2, represents a rhotacized stem /san(n)awid-/; for its genesis, cf. Yakubovich 2016b:481 and see the discussion of the stem below.

[AH.B.]

1.1.4Meaning

The present lexeme constitutes one of the basic level terms within the class of adjectives. At the same time, it bears witness to a lexical shift in HLuw. that took place at the beginning of the first millennium BCE, from the word /wasu-/ representing the meaning ‘good’ to /san(n)awi-/ taking over this role (Yakubovich 2016b:463). With five attestations, /san(n)awi-/ is represented far less frequently than could be expected for such a core word, but the low token number is caused by the nature of the text genres dominating the HLuw. corpus. Its meaning was clear already at an early stage due to the nominalised form of the adjective appearing in the bilingual Karatepe inscription, where it translates Phoenician nʿm ‘good(ness)’.

[AH.B.]

1.1.5Stem

The lemma is an i-stem adjective and thereby constitutes perhaps the only remaining true i-stem in that part of speech category. In a wholesale fashion, adjectives have otherwise undergone i-mutation, which obscures or indeed voids the previous stem class distinctions. This fact has led Yakubovich 2016b:481 to conclude that the stem /san(n)awi-/, when used as a noun, underwent reanalysis as /san(n)awid-/ and was then turned into an adjective again by the addition of the i-mutated thematic vowel into a stem /san(n)awida/i-/ as in the present lexeme. The reanalysis could take place, because the nom./acc. sg. n. forms of the substantively used and very rare i-stem adjective /san(n)awi-/ and the noun /san(n)awid-/ are identical: /san(n)awi(d)=sa/ (Yakubovich 2016b:481). That is because the /d/ of neuter stems in /-id-/ is consistently elided before the neuter particle /=sa, =za/, and the resulting form therefore acts as a pivot between the two stems. In fact, this was not the only reanalysis /san(n)awi-/ underwent, for the noun by conversion also shows stem allomorphy with /sannawiya-/.

[AH.B.]

1.1.6Derivatives

  1. /san(n)a/
  2. /san(n)awi/
  3. /san(n)awi?/
  4. /san(n)awistr(i)-/
  5. /san(n)awiya-/
  6. /san(n)awizza(/i)-/

2. Reconstruction

2.1Reconstruction ‘good (vel sim.)’

HLuw. /san(n)awi-/ ‘good’ has been related to Hitt. šanezzi- ‘excellent’ (HEG S:817, EDHIL:722). The geminate /-nn-/ assumed for HLuw. is not proven synchronically, but would only be fine, if Čop’s Law occurred in the root *sén > HLuw. /sann-/, or if it had a root-final laryngeal. Until confirmation from Cuneiform Luwian is found, this phonological interpretation must be considered hypothetical. The connection with the PIE root *sem- ‘one’ as in Hitt. šani- ‘the same’ is discarded by Eichner 1992a:46 (cf. Kloekhorst (EDHIL:722f.)).

Concerning the derivatives, Frotscher 2012a:177f. compares the Luwian sequence sa-na-wa/i- with Gk. ἄνευ ‘without’, Skt. sanu-tár ‘on the other side, asunder’. The semantic development would be ‘in isolation’ > ‘exceptionally’ > ‘excellent’ (Yakubovich 2016b:475). Yakubovich (Yakubovich 2016b:477-481) opens the possibility of seeing for HLuw. /san(n)awi-/ a compound consisting of */san(n)-/ ‘well’ + /awi-/ ‘to come’, i.e. ‘well-come’. He argues that it is at the very least a folk-etymology. The Hittite adverb as in šannapi šannapi ‘scattered here and there’ has been connected etymologically with Hitt. šanezzi- despite the geminate -nn-, which is explained as the reflex of *sn̥n(h1)- by Melchert 2009c:337 (rejecting the earlier reconstruction with *h2, followed by Yakubovich 2016b:474). Kloekhorst (EDHIL:719f.) separates them etymologically.

The Luwian verb /sann(a)i-(di)/ (with its possible Hittite cognate šanna-/šann-(ḫi) ‘to conceal’) should not be adduced here too readily, especially since its semantics are very much debated. More evidence is needed; HED SA:107-123.

In any case, a Proto-Anatolian root *sEn(H)- with the semantics of ‘good’ continued in both Hittite and Luwian can be reconstructed. The nominal formation behind HLuw. /san(n)awi-/ remains obscure, although we could be dealing with an original u-stem or a suffix *-u̯o-. The state of the attestations does not give a clear picture, cf. above. For a possible reflex of the root in Lydian, see Lyd. sana-.

[D.S.]

3. Proto-Indo-European

3.1Semantic Reconstruction

Since no cognate formations with the same meaning are attested, only the etymology of what became the PAnat. root *sen(H)- ‘outstanding, good’ is provided here.HLuw. /san(n)awi‑/ ‘good’ can be reconstructed as a u-stem (cf. above) and may thus be comparable with Gk. ἄνευ ‘without’. However, the fact that the local adverb PIE *sen ‘apart’ (cf. below) only developed the meaning ‘outstanding, good’ in Anatolian suggests that the alleged u-stem is secondary and of inner-Anatolian provenance.

3.1.1Base etymology

HLuw. /san(n)awi‑/ and the other Anatolian lexemes under this lemma point to an original meaning ‘good’, cf. also Hitt. sanezzi- ‘excellent’. Such meanings may have various sources (cf. Buck 1949a:1175–1177), one of which is ‘excellent’ < ‘outstanding’ < ‘standing apart’, cf. Fr. adv. à part ‘to one side, separate, aside’ → ModE adv. apart ‘id.’ vs. ModHG adv./adj. apart ‘unusual, elegant, attractive’. The local meaning ‘apart, distant’ can also be the source of prepositions meaning ‘without’, cf., e.g., Gk. χωρίς ‘apart (adv.); without (prep.)’ (LSJ:2016). Therefore, it is semantically plausible to connect the word family of HLuw. /san(n)awi‑/ ‘good’ with the prepositions Gk. ἄτερ, Lat. sine, TochB snai, etc. ‘without’ as well as with Ved. sanutár ‘apart’ and the other formations listed sub Transmission above.
Based on morphological considerations (cf. below), it is most promising to reconstruct the underlying root as a local adverb PIE *sen ‘apart’.Furthermore, it may be possible to connect PIE *sen‑o- ‘old (vs. young)’ with the current lemma (cf. LIPP II:714), e.g., by a semantic shift ‘distant (of age)’ > ‘old’, cf. similarly Lat. antīquus ‘lying in front’ > ‘old’. It should also be noted that Lat. comp. antiquior and sup. antiquissimus mean not only ‘older’ and ‘oldest’, but also ‘better, preferable, more desirable, more important’ (Lucil.+) and ‘most important, chief, first’ (Cic.+), respectively (OLD²:157 s.v. antiquus 10), thus showing the same semantic shift that is proposed for the Anatolian material above.

3.2Morphological Reconstruction

Since no semantically comparable formation is attested outside Anatolian, no morphological reconstruction beyond the root PAnat. *sen(H)- ‘outstanding, good’ will be given here.Gk. ἄνευ ‘without’ can theoretically go back to an endingless u-stem locative PIE *sn‑éu̯, which has to be interpreted as an adjective (‘in separate[d] X’, X = unknown phrasal head) on morphological grounds (protero-kinetic inflection), but as a noun (‘in separation’) on semantic grounds.

3.2.1Base etymology

LIPP II:710–716 reconstructs a particle PIE *sń̥ ‘apart; without’ as underlying the above-mentioned formations and others.To justify the reconstruction of an accented zero grade, Dunkel (LIPP II:710f.) points out that there are further similar particles, some of which are communis opinio as, e.g., PIE *nú ‘now’. However, unlike PIE *nú ‘now’, a particle *sń̥ is not attested independently, as Dunkel himself admits (LIPP II:710). Furthermore, the only other particle with an accented syllabic resonant, PIE *kŕ̥ts ‘cross, through’ (LIPP II:433–435), is a deradical formation (from PIE *(s)kert- ‘to cut [through]’, LIV²:559f.) and thus either no valid parallel for “PIE *sń̥” or, if it is, the zero grade *sn̥ must also be interpreted as secondary.The full-grade source of this secondary zero-grade formation is either a local adverb *sen ‘apart’ or a root *sen- (adj.) ‘separate’.The verb Hitt. šann(a)‑(ḫi) ‘to hide, conceal’, if it is a nasal-infix present, is best derived from an adjective or an adverb (factitive ‘to make separate/apart’ > ‘to separate’). Deverbal origin is not likely in view of the semantics of the verb.
Phonologically, especially Gk. ἄτερ ‘without’ speaks in favor of an aniṭ base *sen(‑), while PAnat. *sn̥‑nÉ‑H‑/*sn̥‑n‑H‑´ ‘to hide, conceal’ requires a laryngeal. There are various ways to explain the shape of this verb: it is either a factitive nasal present built on an adverb *sen‑h1 ‘apart’,On the modal ending *‑h1, cf. LIPP I:127–133.viz. *sn̥-nó-h1/*sn̥‑n‑h1- ‘to make apart’But cf. above sub PAnat. Reconstruction on the caveat regarding the required o/Ø-ablaut. Since no adverbial ending or suffix *‑h2 or *‑h3 can be reconstructed, the alternative solution is to reconstruct the basis as *senh2/3 ‘apart’, which, however, is contradicted by Gk. ἄτερ ‘without’.or, according to LIPP II:714, it has to be interpreted as a “praesens departiculativum”, viz. *sń̥h2o- derived from the univerbation *sn̥=h2o “(auch) ohne” ← *sen ‘apart’ + 2.*=h2o ‘also; and’ (LIPP II:334–345).Cf. similarly PIE *pr̥h2o ‘in front, ahead’ (LIPP II:650–655) and *tr̥h2ó ‘through’ LIPP II:799–803.Although the problems regarding the phonological reconstruction of PAnat. *sn̥‑nÉ‑H‑/*sn̥‑n‑H‑´ ‘to hide, conceal’ cannot be solved yet, the underlying basis is reconstructable as a local adverb PIE *sen ‘apart’.If the root PIE *sen- ‘old (vs. young)’ is connected – cf. for the derivational process PIE *néu̯‑o- ‘new’PIE *nú ‘now’ –, the tentatively proposed identification of PIE *sen- and PIE *h2en- ‘old’ as *(s)h2en- ‘old’ (cf. s.v.) has to be reevaluated.

[A.O.]

4. Transmission

Ved. sanutár ‘apart’ (RV+), (?)sanitúr ‘id.’ (RV), sā́nu- sbst. ‘back’, OAv. hanarǝ (+abl.) ‘without’
EWAia II:697, Grassmann 1996a:1469, 1470, Bartholomae 1904:1769, Beekes 1988b:145, de Vaan 2003a:526

Gk. ἄνευ (+ gen.) ‘without’ (Il.+)
GEW I:106, DELG:86, EDG:102, LfgrE I:819, LSJ:135
Gk. ἄτερ (+ gen.) ‘without, apart from’ (Il.+)Contra Nikolaev 2007a:165 n. 19, some attestations of an aspirated variant of ἅτερ are attested as variae lectiones in the Iliad and Odyssey, cf. LfgrE I:1492 with ref.
GEW I:178, DELG:133, EDG:162, LfgrE I:1492f., LSJ:269, Meier-Brügger 1988a

Lat. sine (+ abl.) ‘without’ (Plaut.+)
WH II:542f., EM:627f., EDLIL:565, OLD²:1949, Weiss 2020a:149

PCelt. *sani‑, cf. OIr. sain ‘different’, OW han ‘(Lat.) alium, different; (prep.) of, from’
LEIA S:14f., EDPC:322f., Falileyev 2000a:81, Zair 2012a:170

Goth. sundro ‘alone, apart’, ON sundr ‘asunder’, OE sundor ‘alone, apart’, OHG suntar ‘remote, separate, etc.
EDPG:—, Orel 2003a:386f., GED:329, de Vries 1977a:561

TochA sne, TochB snai (+ obl.) ‘without’
DTB²:779–781, Malzahn 2010a:255f. n. 8 with refs.

Cross-references