*=smos

This lexeme is attested six times in inscriptions from Assur, dating to the late 8^th century BCE.

[A.P.]

acc./dat. pl. (or refl.)	/=mmanz/	-ma-za-a	ASSUR letter e, §16 (Assur)
		-ma-za	ASSUR letter e, §17 (Assur) ASSUR letter e, §12 (Assur) ASSUR letter f+g, §2 (Assur) ASSUR letter c, §4 (Assur) ASSUR letter e, §6 (Assur)

 [A.P.] [AH.B.]

Despite its status as a pronoun, the present lexeme is relatively rare in the HLuw. data because it is limited to the letters, which make up only a small portion of the corpus. Since the 2pl. enclitic forms for the acc., the dat., and the reflexive have merged, the form´s different functions can only be assessed in context. Paired with the orthotonic 2pl. pronoun /unzanz/, the reflexive use becomes evident in ASSUR letter c, §4: u-za₅-za-wa/i-ma-za ha-tu-ra+a, approx. /unzanz=wa=mmanz hattura/, probably meaning ‘You yourself (are) in health?’It is marginally possible that the clause may have to be understood as ‘May you yourself be in health!’, a translation also proposed by Waal; it lacks an overt expression of the verb /as-^(ti)/ ‘to be’. However, as Morpurgo Davies 2011a:209 notes, it is usually only permissible to leave out present indicative forms of the verb ‘to be’ in nominal clauses, whereas other forms would usually be included. (see Waal 2021a:275, cf. Hawkins 2000a:535).

[AH.B.]

The clitic forms of the 2pl. have merged, and /=mmanz/ is the only form left by the time of attestation; cf. Carruba 2002b:105 and Yakubovich 2015b:6.4. Cognate with CLuw. =mmaš and Hittite =šmaš, the HLuw. form shows an ending that mimics the nominal pl., especially that for the dat./loc., see Melchert 1994a:270 and cf. also Carruba 2002b:103, HEG Š:1108, and Yakubovich 2010d:68, 188. Just like its cognates, the HLuw. 2pl. is identical with the 3pl.; see e.g. Yakubovich 2010d:171.

[AH.B.]

This enclitic pronoun is attested in several tablets, mostly ritual texts, dating from MS. In some cases, the context is not preserved, but the occurrence of =mmaš is deemed sure.

[E.R.]

2pl. dat.-refl.	(=)m-ma-aš	KUB 9.6+ iii 10’	(CTH 759, LNS)
3pl. dat.(-refl.)	(=)m-ma-aš	KUB 9.6 ii 10, 26	(CTH 759, LNS)
		KUB 9.6 ii 23	(CTH 759, LNS)
		KUB 9.6 ii 24	(CTH 759, LNS)
	(=)m-ma-aš	KBo 29.6 iv 8’	(CTH 762, NS)
	-ma-š(=)	KUB 35.89 15’	(CTH 766, MS)
	-ma-aš-	KBo 29.34 i 14’	(CTH 770, NS)
	-ma-aš-	KBo 39.181+ ii 19’	(CTH 758, MS)
	-ma-aš	KBo 68.110, 2’	(CTH 770, N/A)
	-[m]a-aš	KBo 68.110, 3’	(CTH 770, N/A)

The 2^nd pl. dat.-refl. clitic pronoun is attested only once, in the dupaduparša ritual (see the analysis and commentary of Yakubovich & Mouton 2023a:54f.).

In about half of the occurrences (KUB 35.89, KBo 29.6, KBo 39.181), the context is not preserved and we can read only the beginning of the line and of the sentence, but the presence of the clitic =mmaš ‘to them’ (oftentimes attached to a- or a=wa=) is very likely. In particular, KBo 68.110 is an utterly fragmentary tablet, whose content is impossible to grasp: Melchert first recognized two occurrences of =mmaš ‘to them’ there (DCL:4).

According to Carruba 2002b:102, a-wa-ma-aš-ta of KBo 29.34 i 14’ does not belong to the 3^rd plural pronoun. Instead, it is =mmaš ‘(to) you’ (dative clitic of 2^nd person plural pronoun). However, the Italian scholar was not followed by anyone, and his interpretation must be deemed unlikely. Since that section of the ritual text is poorly understood (and the absence of a verb makes a translation impossible), we cannot reject this interpretation as impossible. Nevertheless, in the fragment there are several 1sg., 2sg. and 3pl. pronouns but no 2pl. ones: so, it may be an occurrence of 3pl. =mmaš ‘(to) them’.

[E.R.]

Checked against the photographs in the Mainzer Fotoarchiv.

[E.R.]

Although Luwian personal pronouns remained unknown for several years, already Laroche (DLL:22f. and 141) linked some occurrences of =mmaš (wrongly including one of =mmaš ‘(to) you’) to the dative plural of the clitic pronoun -a-, albeit with a question mark; moreover, Hitt. =šmaš is cited as a possible cognate. It was Carruba 1968a:22 to understand first that Luw. =(m)maš surfaces both as 2pl. and as 3pl. dative clitic form, as Hitt. =šmaš.Outdated Meriggi 1957a:196-197. In a couple occurrences the pronoun is used as dative-reflexive (conveying a possessive or indirect reflexivity value): see the sentences collected in Ammazzini 2025a:233-234.

Despite the fact that Luwian personal pronouns remained unknown for many years (DLL:141), already Laroche (DLL:22) gave a translation of the form in KUB 9.6+ iii 10’, wrongly considering it an occurrence of the 3^rd pl. clitic pronoun.Carruba 1968a:15 and 22 was the first one to connect this form to the 2^nd pl. personal pronoun ūnza-, proposing the translation ‘eur(e), ihr(e)’; he also clarified the fact that the form is identical to the 3pl. dative clitic pronoun, as in Hittite =šmaš. The only occurrence of 2^nd pl dat. clitic =mmaš must be considered dative-reflexive (conveying a possessive or indirect reflexivity value: see the hint in DCL:306-307 as well as Ammazzini 2025a:234-235 and chapter 4), which is consistent with the many other clitic pronouns occurring throughout the same text. Yakubovich & Mouton 2023a:60-61 and Kloekhorst 2024a:463 offer slightly different translations.

[E.R.]

Pronominal stem =a-, whose dative is suppletive.

[E.R.]

*This lemma was written together with the trainee Marco Ammazzini.

This is the most frequent lexeme of the Luwian corpus. It is attested in the inscriptions of all periods and genres, except for short ownership inscriptions.

[I.Y.]

3rd pl. dat.	=ms	LW 11.2 (Sardis)
		LW 18.2 (Sardis)
		LW 22.2 (Sardis)
		LW 22.5 (Sardis)
		LW 22.7 (Sardis)
		LW 22.8 (Sardis)
		LW 22.10 (Sardis)
		LW 22.13 (Sardis)

The account of =mλ and =ms as dat. sg. and dat. pl. pronominal clitics respectively is offered in Carruba 1969b:44f., 90f., see also Yakubovich 2017b for a translation of LW 22 with the enclitic pronoun =ms.

The slots for the clitic pronoun within the maximal clitic chain are situated after the stressed words (or the first position particles, such as ak=) and before the clitic particle =(i)t. The dative pronouns always precede their nominative-accusative counterparts within the same clitic chain.

[I.Y.]

Pronominal stem =a-, whose dative is suppletive.

[I.Y.]