ẽtwerš(i)-

This lexeme is found in two inscriptions engraved on stelae, which belonged to the Artemision in Sardis.

[D.S.]

acc. sg.	ẽtweršn	LW 24.14 (Sardis)
	ẽtwers(n)	LW 23.11 (Sardis)

The Lydian noun ẽtwerš(i)- c. represents something positive coordinated with šaroka- c. ‘protection’. ẽtwerš(i)- is found within two curse formulas and is something that the potential offender would no longer receive from the gods. Carruba 1969a:50-52 suggests an etymological equation with the Hittite root warr- ‘to help’ and CLuw. warraḫitašša/i n. ‘of assistance’ and translates Lyd. ẽtwerš(i)- as ‘help’, which is contextually convincing:

              ẽtwers=k=in šaroka=k ešνaν ciwaν nikumẽk šawẽnt (LW 23.11-13)

              ‘(who…, then …) and he will never again experience the help and the protection of these gods here.’

His translation and etymological assignment is here accepted, even though it was left open by Gusmani 1980a:52, Gérard 2005a:103 n. 681 and HEG W-Z:328 and overlooked by Yakubovich 2005b:84. The compounding of ẽt- + wer-š(i)-, which is comparable to Hitt. anda warrišša- ‘to come to the aid’, is also found in Lyc. A ñtuweriha-. With this comparison at hand, one could posit that the Lydian formation reflects a pre-form *weriš-, which would have yielded werš- with syncope. However, one should compare the analysis by Yakubovich 2005b:79, who equates Lyd. ẽt- with Lyc. ẽti ‘in, down’ instead of with ñte ‘within’.

[D.S.]

For the productivity of Lydian nominal compounds with ẽt-, see Yakubovich 2005b:78, and for the Lydian paradigm of i-mutation with its accusative singular ending -ν/n, see Sasseville 2017a.

[D.S.]

For the lemma head see PAnat. *u̯órh₁-/u̯r̥h^­₁-´⁽ⁱ⁾.