*en-h1ih1-i̯e/o-
‘to carry out’
- Language
- Proto-Anatolian
- Grammar
- verb
- ID
- 1655
1. Individual Anatolian Languages
1.1 Cuneiform Luwian
ānni(ya)-(di)
‘to carry out, treat’1.1.1Transmission
This lexeme is found mainly in the ritual incantations of the Kuwattalla tradition as well as in the festival text for the Storm-god of the sky and the Sun-goddess of Arinna (CTH 665).
[D.S.]
1.1.2Forms
| 3sg. pres. ind. act. | ˹a˺-an-ni-i-ti | KUB 35.14 i 8’ | (CTH 760, NS) |
| ˹a-a-an˺-ni-i-t[i] | KUB 35.88 ii 11’ | (CTH 766, NS) | |
| a-a-an-n[i-i-ti] | KBo 29.56, 3’ | (CTH 766, MS) | |
| a-an-ni-ti | KUB 35.39 iii 26’ | (CTH 759, LNS) | |
| KBo 29.9 rev. 10’ | (CTH 760, NS) | ||
| an-ni-i-t[i] | HT 82, 5’ | (CTH 767, N/A) | |
| 3pl. pres. ind. act.(?) | a-ni-e-ia-an-t[i | KUB 35.15 iii 12 | (CTH 761, MS) |
| 2sg. impv. act. | a-ni-ia | KUB 35.133 iii 4 | (CTH 665, LNS) |
Melchert (CLL:17) suggests that a-ni-e-ia-an-t[i is a lexicalized participial form in -nt(i)- instead, which is formally possible, but difficult to prove, whereas Starke 1990a:158f. assigns this form to a different lexeme (rejected by Melchert ibid.). The interpretation as a finite form is preferred by Sasseville 2021a:321. If the two forms a-ni-e-ia-an-t[i and a-ni-ia really belong here, it requires a defective spelling of the geminate -nn- to be assumed. Pace Yakubovich 2010b:378 n. 6, the lack of contraction in a-ni-ia is not a dialectal issue, for which see Sasseville 2021a:319-335. Pace van den Hout 2006a:250, there is no need to assume that an-ni-i-t[i] (HT 82, 5’) is found in a Hittite context, especially considering the Luwian pronoun za-a occurring before.
[D.S.]
1.1.3Graphic Features
Checked against the photographs in the Konkordanz (Mainzer Fotoarchiv). For the spelling of the initial a-a-, see Simon 2010b.
[D.S.]
1.1.4Meaning
The Luwian verb anni(ya)-(di) has been etymologically equated to Hitt. aniye/a-(mi) ‘to carry out, treat’ and translated accordingly, which is contextually supported (DLL:27 with further literature, Oettinger 1979a:535, Melchert (CLL:18), Yakubovich 2010b, Sasseville 2021a:321f.).
[D.S.]
1.1.5Stem
For the verbal stem class, see Melchert 1997b:132f. and Sasseville 2021a:321f., and for its analysis as a univerbation, see Yakubovich 2010b (see also under Reconstruction).
[D.S.]
1.2 Lydian
ani-
‘to erect (?)’1.2.1Transmission
This verbal stem is found in two inscriptions, both coming from the Sardis cemetery. The inscription in prose LW 2 can be dated to the second half of the 4th century BCE, while the poetic inscription LW 15 is datable only approximately, to the 5th or 4th century BCE.
[I.Y.]
1.2.2Forms
| 3sg. pret. act. | fẽnanil | LW 15.2 (Sardis) | |
| kataνil | LW 2.3 (Sardis) |
The assumption that the two verbs listed above reflect the same stem goes back to Carruba 1959a:29 n. 28. For the segmentation of prefixes, cf. further Yakubovich 2005b:77.
[I.Y.]
1.2.3Graphic Features
The variant ani- must be regarded as the more archaic one. For the tendency of ν to appear in lieu of n next to i in Lydian texts, see Gérard 2005a:62.
[I.Y.]
1.2.4Meaning
The meaning ‘to erect’, offered for f-ẽn-anil in Sayce 1925a:36, was accepted in Gusmani 1964a:124 and Gusmani 1980a:55. The same meaning is proposed for kat-aνil in Gusmani 1964a:146 based on the comparison with f-ẽn-anil. In both cases the context indeed leaves little doubt that the respective predicates refer to some construction activity. Cf. also the derivative aνi-, which appears to mean ‘installation’ based on context.
It is, however, important to observe that at least in LW 2 the predicate under discussion does not seem to denotate the basic act of constructing a tomb. The object of kat-aνil is neither a tomb nor a stele, but rather an additional installation pλašo-. Therefore one can tentatively propose the contextual meaning ‘to add, attach’, which is compatible with the occurrence of f-ẽn-anil in the second clause of the fragmentary inscription LW 15. It is likely that the semantic nuances of these two forms correlate with their respective prefixes.
[I.Y.]
1.2.5Stem
The stem ani- was compared with Hitt. aniye/a-(mi) ‘to do’ in Carruba 1963a:397 n. 22. It is, however, probable that the Hittite verb ultimately represents a result of fusion between the historical prefix an- and iye/a-(mi) ‘to do, make’ (Yakubovich 2010b). The same explanation, mutatis mutandis, is also available for Lyd. ani-. If one assumes that the prefix ẽn- was attached to the verb i- in Pre-Lydian and the stress fell on the root of the new stem, then the change *ẽní- > /aní-/ can be described as a phonetically regular process. Naturally, once the original segmentation could no longer be felt, the stem ani- could be combined again with the synchronic prefixes. For another assured instance of the reduction *ẽ > a in unstressed position in Lydian, cf. caqrla-. For the preservation of the transitive character of Lyd. i- in prefixed formations, cf. fa-d-i-.
[I.Y.]
1.2.6Derivatives
1.3 Palaic
aniye/a-(ti)
‘to do, accomplish’1.3.1Transmission
This lexeme is mostly attested within the festival incantations for the Palaic pantheon.
[D.S.]
1.3.2Forms
| 2sg. pres. ind. act. | a-ni-i-ia-ši | KUB 35.165 rev. 10’ | (CTH 751, OS or MS) |
| 3sg. pres. ind. act. | a-ni-it-ti | KBo 48.178 l.col. 2’ | (CTH 751, NS) |
| KUB 35.165 rev. 10’ | (CTH 751, OS or MS) | ||
| 2sg. impv. act. | a-ni-ia | KUB 35.165 rev. 10’ | (CTH 751, OS or MS) |
| [a-ni-]ia | KBo 48.178 l.col. 3’ | (CTH 751, NS) | |
| 1sg. pret. ind. act. | a-ni-e-eḫ-ḫ[a ] | KBo 19.152 iv! 4’ | (CTH 751, MS) |
| [a-ni-]˹e˺-e[ḫ-]ḫa | KBo 19.152 + KBo 19.158 iv! 5’/9’ | (CTH 751, MS) |
Carruba 1970a:50 interprets a-ni-e-a/eḫ-ḫ[a as a 1st singular preterit. Since the word might not be complete after the sign ḫ[a (Carruba 1972a:39), it could also represent a medio-passive form. However, the second attestation in the following line, recovered by the join, brings evidence that the verbal form is complete.
[D.S.]
1.3.3Graphic Features
Checked against the photographs in the Konkordanz (Mainzer Fotoarchiv).
[D.S.]
1.3.3.1Phonological Interpretation
The instance a-ni-e-a/eḫ-ḫ[a could be read either as a-ni-e-eḫ-ḫ[a [aniyēḫḫa] or as a-ni-e-aḫ-ḫ[a [aniyaḫḫa] with the sign
[D.S.]
1.3.4Meaning
Kammenhuber 1959a:27 equates the Palaic verb aniye/a-(ti) with Hittite aniye/a-(mi) and translates it as ‘Germ. wirken’; cf. Oettinger 1979a:535 ‘Germ. leisten’. These semantics are perfectly adequate for the context, since it refers to an action previously mentioned. The verb is used intransitively in all clear attestations, whence the meaning ‘to do, accomplish, perform’ is adequate (thus Melchert 1984b:35f., Melchert 1994a:198, Sasseville 2019a:25). Yakubovich 2010b:378 translates it with ‘to provide’, which is a little more embellished.
[D.S.]
1.3.5Stem
The verb inflects according to the unlenited mi-conjugation.
[D.S.]
1.4 Hittite
aniye/a-(mi)
‘to carry out, treat’1.4.1Literature / Comments
HW2 A:81-88.
2. Reconstruction
2.1Reconstruction ‘to carry out’
Comparing Hitt. aniye/a-(mi) ‘to carry out, treat’, Pal. aniye/a-(ti) ‘to do, accomplish’, CLuw. ānni(ya)-(di) ‘id.’ and Lyd. ani- (fẽnanil, kataνil), we can reconstruct a Proto-Anatolian verb of the mi-conjugation. This Anatolian verb was previously interpreted as a deradical verb from the root *h3en- related to Lat. onus ‘burden’ (Oettinger 1979a:345, HEG A:30, Kloekhorst 2008a:180f.; cf. HED A:71 for various hypotheses that have failed to provide any results). However, Yakubovich 2010b brings decisive evidence for a Proto-Anatolian univerbation between *en(i) (Luw. /anni/, Lyd. ẽν) and the verb ‘to do, make’ as reflects in Hitt. iye/a-(mi) and CLuw. ā(ya)-(di). Furthermore, Sasseville 2021a:334 notices that the Luwian and Palaic verbs share two different outcomes in their conjugation, i.e. the lenited vs. unlenited set of endings. Thus, he posits two different accentual types for Proto-Anatolian, which he connects with the two co-existing types of deradical verbs in *-i̯e/o- (with accent on the root vs. on the suffix). Whereas Luwian would continue *én-h1ih1-i̯e/o-(di), Hittite and Palaic requires the pre-form *en-h1ih1-i̯é/ó-. One should notice here that the univerbation as well as the impossibility to distinguish between root and suffix (after the loss of *h1) may have played a part in the different outcome.
The position of the Luwian accent could be supported by Čop’s Law (CLL:17), which would have caused a gemination of the sequence *én- to *énn- (cf. Luwian /anni/), i.e. *én- + -h1ih1- > *éni- > *énni-. However, this would not explain why Hitt. anniške/a-(mi), the imperfective form of aniye/a-(mi) shows a geminate spelling (cf. Melchert 1994a:85, HW2 A:87). Therefore, Kloekhorst 2008a:181 assumes that the gemination of the -n- in the imperfective formation is secondarily due to the prevention of the nasal from dropping before the sibilant. However, this is not reconcilable with the currently assigned shape of the root. One can also envisage that the sequence *-nh1- would have assimilated depending on the position of the accent. However, the scenario suggested by Melchert 1994a:85 with *énh1i- > aniya- for Hittite is not supported by Palaic, which clearly shows unlenited endings; cf. Kimball 1999a:414f. Unless, one would reckon with a retraction of the accent for the imperfective formation, which is however contradictory to the expected position of the accent on the suffix, i.e. *-sk̑é/ó-. As pointed out in HW2 A:87, a satisfactory explanation is still missing.
[D.S.]
For the lemma head see *h1i̯ǣ́-/h1ih1-´(di).

