*zeh1-no-
‘autumn’
- Language
- Proto-Anatolian
- Grammar
- subst
- ID
- 2467
1. Individual Anatolian Languages
1.1 Lycian A
*sñne-
‘(unknown)’1.1.1Compounds
1.2 Lycian B
zẽne-
‘autumn’1.2.1Transmission
This lexeme is attested on the inscribed pillar of Xanthos dated shortly after the ascension of Artaxerxes II in 405-404 BCE.
[D.S.]
1.2.2Forms
| nom./acc. pl. | zẽna | TL 44d.59 (Xanthos) |
1.2.3Meaning
No actual semantic assignment is offered by DLL:137 nor by Neumann 2007a:434. Shevoroshkin 2011b:151 suggests the meaning ‘preparation’ for zẽna, which is not supported in any way. The meaning of the word zẽna depends on the understanding of the context, which can be improved by the comparative method. Considering the other Anatolian languages, the Hittite word zēna- ‘autumn’ is the most obvious cognate, which poses a priori no phonological difficulties. The semantics are appropriate for the Lycian B word, since it is modified by the adjective lusalija ‘destructive (vel sim.)’. The phrase lusalija zẽna is best interpreted as the direct object of nuniti ‘to make swift, to speed’. Then, the subject of the verb is the xruwasa-deities (Sasseville 2018a:309) and the whole sentence can be interpreted as a beneficial formula ‘For you (Gergis), the xruwasa-deities will make swift the destructive autumns.’.
[D.S.]
1.2.4Stem
The assignment of zẽna as a neuter stem zẽne- instead of a collective is based on the absence of vowel harmony in the root vowel. A collective stem would have been expected to yield *zãna-. Further evidence can be drawn from a comparative perspective with Hittite; see Reconstruction.
[D.S.]
2. Reconstruction
2.1Reconstruction ‘autumn’
The Hittite lexeme zēna- ‘autumn’ has been interpreted as common gender (HEG W-Z:694) because of the phrase GIM-an zé-e-na-aš ki-ša-ri (KUB 38.32 Vs. 9), although one could assume a case of free-standing genitive ‘when (the season) of autumn arrives’. The use of the ergative marker -nt-, zēna-nt-, could be interpreted as evidence for a neuter gender, but cf. ḫamēšḫa- ‘spring’ (EDHIL:279f.). If the analysis of the Lycian B lexeme zẽna as zẽne- n. and its etymological appurtenance to Hitt. zēna- is correct, this would serve as additional evidence for taking the Hittite word zēna- as a neuter a-stem.
Oettinger 1994a:323 and Neumann 1999a:52 have etymologically connected the Hittite word zēna- ‘autumn’ with the second member of the Lycian A compound tri-sñne/i- going back to PIE *séno- ‘year’. To explain the development of *s > z in Hittite, he posits a “Nasalfernassimilation”, which is also required in the pre-history of Lycian, because the outcome would be otherwise **hñne/i-. The same must have happened in Lycian B, although the initial z- was preserved and did not devoice to s- as in Lycian A (on Lyc. A -s- vs. Lyc. B -z- see Kümmel 2007a:285). Therefore, one could reconstruct a Proto-Anatolian neuter o-stem *séno- ‘autumn’ continued directly in Hitt. zēna- n. and Lycian B neuter plural zẽna. In Lycian A, the stem was compounded and adjectivized as the accent shifted (*séno- > -sṇnó-).The veracity of the phonological development is doubted by Kloekhorst 2008a:1034 and Schürr 2014c:133. Differently, HEG W-Z:693 follows an etymology from a root *dei̯-, which is contradicted by the Lycian A and B cognates, where a diphthong *ei̯ become -i- and the initial *d- becomes t- in Lycian A not s-. Differently, Eichner 1973a:89 reconstructs for Hitt. zēna- a stem in *-eh2-, which is not quite supported.
On the other hand, it was recently argued that Hitt. zēna- belongs to the same root as zinnā-/zinn-(ḫi) (+ zinni-(mi)) ‘to end, to be finished’, zē-/ziya-(MP) ‘to be cooked’ and Luw. zīla ‘afterwards, then, in the future’ (Rieken 2019b), which means that it would go back to Proto-Anatolian *zeh1-no- > *zǣno-. If the initial consonant of the root is PAnat. z-, the Lycian A situation with -sñne/i- remains to be explained. Since Lyc. A shows so far no sequence of *-zñn-, one could posit an inner Lycian A development of *-zñn- > -sñn- to account for it. Needless to say that at least a second example is necessary to confirm the sound law.
[D.S.]
For the lemma head see PAnat. *zeh1-/*zih1-.
3. Proto-Indo-European
3.1Semantic Reconstruction
To be able to provide a serious etymology for the season term PAnat. *zeh1no‑, it has to be determined which part of the year the term denotes. Most likely the Hittites distinguished three seasons: ḫamesḫa(nt)- ‘mowing time, spring’ (cf. [lemma link Pal. marišš-(i)]), zēna- ‘harvesting time’, and gim- ‘winter’, cf. HEG U–Z:691f., HED H:72, HW² H.2:121. During the season called zēna-, cereal, grapes, and fall fruit were harvested and thus, according to HED H:73, zēna- started in July and ended in October. Harvesting time is Anatolia’s ‘autumn’ on an ecological basis but in meteorological terms (summer: June–Aug, autumn: Sept–Nov) it is better translated as ‘summer-autumn’.
While the meaning of Hitt. zēna- ‘(summer‑)autumn’ can be approximated through independent evidence, the semantics of Lyc. B zẽne- are deduced from the formal identity with its Hittite cognate. The compounds Lyc. A kbisñne/i- ‘two years old’ and Lyc. A trisñne/i- as adjectives meaning ‘two/three years old’ do not neccessarily induce that Lyc. A °sñne is a word for ‘year’, cf. the comparable compound Ved. śatá-śārada- ‘a hundred (śatá-) years old’ with the second member Ved. śarád- ‘autumn’ (Oct–Dec, the time after monsoon).On the usage of Ved. śarád- ‘autumn; (pl.) year’, cf. Böhtlingk 1855a 7:93. Cf. furthermore the meanings of the Iranian cognates YAv. sarǝd- f. ‘year’, Oss. særd ‘summer’.Similar expressions can be found elsewhere, cf. the phrases Goth. twalib wintrus “(Gk.) ἐτῶν δώδεκα, (lit.) twelve winters (old)” (Luke 2:42), ModHG zwölf Lenze alt “(lit.) three springs old” (cf. DWB s.v. lenz), etc. The head of a compound meaning ‘X years old’ thus does not have to mean ‘year’ but can denote any significant season or annual event. Therefore, it is absolutely possible that Lyc. A °sñne originally meant the same as Hitt. zēna- ‘(summer‑)autumn’.
Naming strategies of the season ‘autumn’ can be devided into three groups: (a) ecological/climatic (‘fall [of the leaves]’, etc., cf. below), (b) relational (‘after summer’, etc., cf. below), (c) economical (‘(time of) harvest’, cf. ModHG Herbst ‘autumn’), cf. Schaffner 2014c:73–75 (referring to the collection in Buck 1949a:1015f.).
3.1.1‘(summer‑)autumn’ = ‘end of the year’
EDHIL:1034, followed by Rieken 2019b:315, assumes that the season Hitt. zēna- ‘(summer‑)autumn’ is the ‘closing (season) of the year’ and thus may be categorized into (b) above. Such a development may be supported by, e.g., Gk. φθινόπωρον ‘autumn’ (Hdt.+) < *‘end of late summer (ὀπώρα); (lit.) the waning of ὀπώρα’ (cf. Schaffner 2014c:74) which, however, is not an exact semasiological match: while Gk. φθινόπωρον denotes the end of a season, PAnat. *zeh1‑no- is said by Kloekhorst (ibid.) and Rieken 2019b to refer to the ‘end of the year’.Dan. efterår ‘(lit.) after-year, autumn’ (opp. forår ‘(lit.) before-year, spring’) is a perfect match on first sight but the climatic difference between Northern Europe (in Sept–Nov, autumn) and Central Anatolia (in Jul–Oct, summer-autumn) is remarkable and surely a relevant factor in naming the respective seasons. Cf. furthermore, ModE fall in fall of the year ‘autumn’ which, however, is metaphorically related with fall (of the leaves) on which cf. below.The connection with PIE *ku̯i̯eh1- ‘to rest’ (or ‘to come to an end’) (LIV²:393f.; cf. PAnat. *zéh1‑/*zih1‑´ ‘to end (vel sim.)’) is possible but not without difficulties from a semantic perspective.
3.1.2‘(summer‑)autumn’ = ‘hot season’
Among the IE words for ‘autumn’ (cf. Buck 1949a:1015f., Schaffner 2014c:73–75) some are motivated by ecological or climatic facts, cf. for the former ModE fall < ‘falling of the leaves’, and for the latter Ved. śarád- ‘autumn, season after the monsoon’ < *‘warmth; warm season’, if from PIE 2.*k̑el- ‘to become warm’ (LIV²:323, NIL:414–416).Cf. EWAia II:616. Some words denoting ‘summer’ are related to the semantic concepts ‘hot’ and ‘burn’ as Gk. θέρος ‘summer; harvest’ (: PIE *gu̯her- ‘to become warm’, LIV²:219f., NIL:196–199), cf. Buck 1949a:1014f. Obviously, naming the seasons is, at least in part, subjectively motivated.In view of the fact that Hitt. zēna- most likely started in July, viz. during the Anatolian (meteorological) summer, the high temperature (and low precipitation) could well have played a role in naming this season.July and August are the warmest months of the year e.g. in Çorum, the capital of the Çorum province modern day Boğazkale belongs to. In Çorum, July and August have an average temperature of more than 20 °C (1962–2019) and July, August, and September are arid months, cf. the data on ClimateCharts.net (2022-03-17). Ved. śarád‑, the post monsoonic season is also arid and probably related etymologically to a root denoting warmth/heat, PIE 2.*k̑el- ‘to become warm’ (LIV²:323, NIL:414–416).Therefore, it is proposed to connect PAnat. *zeh1‑no- ‘(summer‑)autumn’ with the root PIE *ti̯eh1- ‘to be hot’ (LIV²:617f., LIV²+ s.v. (*tei̯h1- →) *ti̯eh1-) which would imply an original meaning ‘the hot (season)’, cf. also Gk. θέρος ‘summer; harvest’ < *‘heat, warmth’. The advantage of this etymology compared to the one presented above (← PIE *ku̯i̯eh1- ‘to come to an end’) is that the semantic motivation is more natural and certainly attested elsewhere. The disadvantage, however, is the fact that the word family composed in EDHIL:1033–1037 and extended by Rieken 2019b could hardly be maintained, save with additional assumptions.In this scenario, it would be appropriate to trace back Hitt. zē-/ziya-(MP) ‘to be cooked’ rather to ‘to become hot’ (cf. also LIV²:618 n. 2 s.v. *tei̯h1) than to ‘to come to an end’ as proposed s.v. PAnat. *zéh1‑/*zih1‑´ ‘to end (vel sim.)’.
The meaning of the root PIE *ti̯eh1- is given by LIV²:617 as ‘to become hot’. This semantic spere is directly attested in Lat. tītiō, -ōnis ‘burning brand, firebrand’ (< *‘what is hot’) and perhaps in Hitt. zē-/ziya-(MP) ‘to be cooked’ (< ‘to become hot’, differently s.v. PAnat. *zéh1‑/*zih1‑´ ‘to end (vel sim.)’). The semantics of OE ðīnan ‘to wet; to become moist’ can be explained via ‘to melt (and thus produce moisture)’ (cf. ON ϸíðr ‘melted, thawed’, OIr. tinaid ‘to melt, disappear’) from ‘to become warm, hot (of ice)’, cf. LIV²:618 n. 2, Müller 2007a:311.
In view of its semantics, the root PIE *ti̯eh1- ‘to become hot’ could furthermore be interpreted as an adjectival (Caland) root meaning only ‘(to become) hot’Cf. Rau 2009a:78f. for a list of “property concept adjectives”.which is also supported by its morphological behaviour, cf. below.
3.2Morphological Reconstruction
Since neither root connection attests a direct morphological cognate of PAnat. *zeh1-no- ‘autumn’, no PIE reconstruction is provided.
3.2.1Root etymology
On the root PIE *ku̯i̯eh1- ‘to come to an end’, cf. PAnat. *zéh1‑/*zih1‑´ ‘to end (vel sim.)’.
If the connection of PAnat. *zeh1-no- ‘autumn’ with PIE *ti̯eh1- ‘(to become) hot’ and thus the reconstruction of the root with fullgrade II is valid, the fullgrade I attested by OE ðīnan ‘to become moist’ (< *tei̯-n-h1-) has to be regarded as secondary (cf. LIV²:618 n. 6).For different proposals regarding this verb as well as ON ϸíðr ‘thawed’, cf., e.g., Heidermanns 1993a:617, de Vries 1977a:610.The main reason for reconstructing the root with fullgrade II (as per LIV²+ s.v. (*tei̯h1- →) *ti̯eh1-) rather than fullgrade I (as per LIV²:617) is the affiliation of Hitt. zē-/ziya-(MP) ‘to be cooked’. Therefore, only if (at least some of) the Anatolian material belongs to the root, it has to be reconstructed as PIE *ti̯eh1- ‘(to become) hot’.
As was mentioned above sub Semantic reconstruction, the root is best reconstructed as an adjectival (Caland) root. This categorization would be supported by the attested formations, viz. the no-formation (cf. PAnat. *zeh1-no- ‘autumn’ < *‘hot’), the stative (cf. Hitt. zē-/ziya-(MP) ‘to be cooked’) and the factitive nasal present (cf. OIr. tinaid ‘to melt, disappear’ > ‘to wet’, OE ðīnan ‘to wet; to become moist’).
[A.O.]
4. Transmission
On the transmission of PIE *ku̯i̯eh1- ‘to rest’ (LIV²:393f.) (or ‘to come to an end’), cf. PAnat. *zéh1‑/*zih1‑´ ‘to end (vel sim.)’.
PIE *ti̯eh1- ‘to become hot’
LIV²:617f., LIV²+ s.v. (*tei̯h1- →) *ti̯eh1-, IEW:1053f.
Greek
Gk. τῑτώ, -οῦς f. ‘day; (divine name)’ (Call.+)
GEW II:904, DELG:1122, EDG:—, LfgrE IV:543f., LSJ:1798f.
Italic
Lat. tītiō, -ōnis ‘burning brand, firebrand’ (Varro+)The length of the first -ī- is attested by the Romance continuants, cf. Ital. tizzone.
WH II:685f., EM:693, EDLIL:620f., M-L:662 No. 8758, OLD²:2143 s.v. tītiō¹
Celtic
OIr. tinaid ‘to melt, disappear’, (?)OIr. úathad ‘a small number’The affiliation of OIr. úathad ‘a small number, few, one’ and MW odit ‘rare, wonderful, exceptional thing’ is far from certain. However, as Zair 2012a:117 points out, formally it could reflect a stem PIE *tih1-to-, which is attested in Germanic, too.
EDPC:379, LEIA T:67f., Zair 2012a:117
Germanic
OE ðīnan ‘to wet; to become moist’, ON ϸíðr ‘melted, thawed’
EDPG:541f., Heidermanns 1993a:611, 617, Müller 2007a:311, de Vries 1977a:610
(?)Balto-Slavic
OLith. tìt-nagas ‘flint’
ALEW 2.0 s.v. títnagas, LEW II:1103f.