*asséttā-

This lexeme is found in the festival text for all protective deities.

[D.S.]

Checked against the photograph in the Konkordanz.

[D.S.]

The word aššāttaššiš is attested as an epithet of the deity ^dAlaš. Laroche 1958a:98 equates the Lyc. B genitival adjective esetesi, used as an epithet of the Storm-god, with the Luwian adjectival genitive aššattaššiš. This equation has been maintained in the Lycian literature (see Melchert (DLL:2), Shevoroshkin 2012a:474). No translation is offered in the edition of McMahon 1991a:109 for aššattaššiš´, although Tischler 2008a:29 adopts the meanings ‘peaceful(?), victorious(?)’ from the Lycian literature. Since it has now been proven that Lycian A ahata- and the corresponding base of Lyc. B esetesi mean ‘peace, rest’, the deity ^dAlaš aššattaššiš can consequently be translated as ‘Ala of peace’.

[D.S.]

The stem in -atta- of the base aššatta- is probably a collective like Lyc. A ahata-, although a common gender stem in -atta- c. likely also existed based on the Lycian evidence; cf. below.

[D.S.]

The Luwian origin of the lexeme is made clear by its genitival adjective in -ašša/i- as well as its Lycian cognate. The lexeme is not mentioned in the list of Luwianism offered by Melchert 2005a nor in the one of van den Hout 2007a.

[D.S.]

This lexeme is found in various grave inscriptions, in the Ikuwe inscription datable to the reign of Alexander the Great (after 330 BCE) as well as on the inscribed pillar of Xanthos, dated contextually to shortly after the ascension of Artaxerxes II in 405-404 BCE and stylistically to around 400 BCE (Borchhardt & Eichner 1997-1999a:19f.).

[D.S.]

The grammatical interpretation of ahatahi in TL 118.4 depends on whether it is found in a nominal sentence, in which case ahatahi n͂tata would be nominative (thus Neumann 2007a:5 with hesitation, Christiansen 2020a:252f. leaves the sentence untranslated).

On the relationship of the common gender noun ahata- c. and its genitival adjective ahatahe/i- to the collective noun ahata- and its genitival adjective ehetehe/i-, see Sasseville 2018a:314f.

[D.S.]

For the restoration of the form ehetehe (TL 44a.33-34) due to a new join of the inscribed pillar of Xanthos, see Schürr & Dönmez 2015a:135. Contra Eichner 2005a:32 n. 169, ahata in TL 44b.47 is not to be taken together with the following ha in ha[de] as a substantivized genitival adjective, ahataha, which would take away the predicate of the sentence (thus with Schürr 1997b:65).

[D.S.]

The semantics of ahata- were often posited based on the Lycian B phrase trqq[i]z : esetesi=[k]e er[b]besi=ke ‘The Storm-god of both esete and erbbe’. Laroche 1958c:98 saw in erbbe a direct cognate of Luw. arpaša-⁽ⁱ⁾, translated as ‘to suffer a defeat’, and thus posited the meaning ‘defeat’ for Lyc. erbbe(/i)-. Neumann 1984b:89f. points out that the two epithets of the Storm-god are very likely antonyms of one another. Therefore, he suggests translating esetesi with ‘victory’ (followed by Lebrun 1990a:166, Hajnal 1995a:106 n. 90, Gehrisch 2018a:39, 93). However, Hajnal 1995a:105 n. 84 points out that erbbe(/i)- means rather ‘battle’ from a contextual perspective. Melchert (DLL:16) further insists that Luw. arpā- means ‘turmoil (of battle)’, which supports Hajnal’s semantic modification of Lyc. erbbe(/i)-. This elucidation of erbbe(/i)- has consequences for the semantics of Lyc. B esetesi and the Lycian A cognates. If erbbe(/i)- means ‘battle’ or ‘war’, the antonym esetesi would be expected to mean ‘peace, rest’ as proposed by Melchert (DLL:2); thus ‘the Storm-god of war and peace’. Melchert brings further evidence by adducing the Hittite verb āšš-^(mi) ‘to remain, stay’ as a potential cognate (followed by Eichner 2005a:32 n. 171). More evidence in favor of the meaning ‘peace, rest’ can be adduced from the Lycian A attestation of TL 118.4, in which ahatahi refers to n͂tata ‘burial chamber’. The translation ‘burial chamber of rest (or peace)’ implying a place where the dead rest in peace, makes more sense than the ‘burial chamber of victory’, even for a heroon. More evidence comes from the following context (see Sasseville 2021a:452f.):

se=ñtemlẽ : q̣ạstte=teli : erbbe : me=ti=ñtẽmlẽ : przze : asttẹ[…] sej=ahata : astte (TL 29.3-4)

‘Where he destroyed a temple during the battles, (there) he restored a temple … and made peace’

The other meaning, i.e. ‘he made victory’, would be contextually inappropriate. In summary, the meaning ‘peace, rest’ for Lycian ahata- is superior and is considered here proven. Outdated and inadequately translated is Cau 2003b:54 n. 9 ‘exultation’, Shevoroshkin 2012a:474 ‘durability’, Schürr 2018b:95 ‘residence’.

[D.S.]

I. Ehetẽme (PN) (Neumann 2007a:53)

This lexeme is found in the inscription of the inscribed pillar of Xanthos, dated contextually to shortly after the ascension of Artaxerxes II in 405-404 BCE and stylistically to around 400 BCE (Borchhardt & Eichner 1997-1999a:19f.).

[D.S.]

The genitival adjective in -esi (just like the one in Lyc. A -ehi) indicates that it is built upon the collective noun asata- (= Lyc. A ahata-), which probably co-existed with the common gender a-stem asata- c. (Sasseville 2018a:314f.). There is perhaps another attestation of the lexeme, i.e. eseti (TL 44d.45). However, it could be analyzed as two words instead, i.e. ese ti, as a verbal form or as a noun belonging to a different lexeme (cf. Schürr 2018b:67).

[D.S.]

For the elucidation of the meaning of esetesi and the literature involved, see above under Lyc. A ahata-.

[D.S.]

1. Esete- (PN) (in Lyc. A context, TL 105.2) (Gusmani 1993a:29, Schürr 2013d:264)