plm̃ma-

This lexeme is attested in various types of inscriptions in both eastern and western Lycia.

[D.S.]

dat. sg.	plm̃mi	TL 29.8 (Tlos)
abl./instr.	plm̃madi	N 337.10 (Limyra)
	plm̃mad{d}i	TL 44b.31 (Xanthos)
	[plm̃]ṃadi	N 337.4 (Limyra)

Christiansen 2012a:145f. points out the possibility of regarding  plm̃madi (N 337.4, 10) as a verbal form in the 3^rd singular present, which is formally possible. In N 337, this claim cannot be verified by way of additional evidence, because the sentence is not completely preserved. For the sake of economy, plm̃madi in N 337 is treated here as a form of the substantive plm̃ma- c. ‘?’.

[D.S.]

The double

in plm̃mad{d}i (TL 44b.31) is here taken as a case of diplography (cf. van den Hout 1995b:123-125); usually, the ablative-instrumental ending is not expected to be spelled with a double

(pace Neumann 2007a:277).

[D.S.]

No meaning can be assigned to this lexeme; cf. Neumann 2007a:277, DLL:50. The suggestions of Shevoroshkin, i.e. ‘child’ (Shevoroshkin 1977a:133) and ‘kin’ (Shevoroshkin 1979a:179 n. 5), are mere speculations. Christiansen 2012a:145f. makes the interesting observation that the lexeme plm̃ma- occurs twice in the same context as qehñn- n. (N 337.10 and TL 44b.31). Nevertheless, no meaning can be assigned.

[D.S.]

The lexeme plm̃ma- c. ‘?’ is possibly related to the last part of the personal name Esedeplẽme/i- (Schürr 2008b:153 n. 4, DLL:50, Shevoroshkin 1977a:136f.). Shevoroshkin 1977a:136f. suggests a connection with the Proto-Indo-European root *pleh₁- ‘to fill’, which cannot yet be supported synchronically. No etymology possible.

[D.S.]