*mr̥g^u̯eh₂i̯o-

This adjective is so far attested only as a divine name in KULULU 2, §6, i.e. (DEUS)mara/i-wa/i-i-ziⁱ; see Oettinger 1989-90a:97, Hawkins 2000a:489-90 and Melchert 2008a:153.

[D.S.]

The word is attested twice as a divine epithet or theonym, once in the Kizzuwatna ritual against the plague and once in the Alli-ritual, for which a duplicate is also available.

[E.R.]

The duplicate KUB 24.11 probably gives the correct form, unlike the erroneous KUB 24.9; thus DCL:s.v. against CHD L-N:235 and Mouton 2013-2016a.

[E.R.]

Checked against the photographs in the Mainzer Fotoarchiv.

[E.R.]

After a long discussion regarding the word family this theonym may belong to, its literal meaning is now quite clear. In KUB 54.65 ii 11, we find the formula ŠA ^Di-ia-ar-ri DINGIR^MEŠ mar-wa-a-in-zi ‘the Marwainzi deities of Iyarri’ (also mentioned in KUB 24.9). Judging on the basis of the words that probably derive from the same root, e.g. marušam(m)a/i-, it is possible to think of a color term, sometimes in contrast to white; see CHD L-N:201 and already Güterbock 1956a:122f. Given the fact that the Marwainzi deities, which must be of Anatolian origin (see Jakob-Rost 1972a:82)In the meantime, the Hittite equivalent, the theonym ^Dmarkuwaya-, was identified (Starke 1986a:162f. and EDHIL:560). The epithet is present also in Hieroglyphic Luwian and Lydian; see Melchert & Starke apud Oettinger 1989-90a:97, n. 35 and Melchert 2008a, respectively. are connected to the chthonic sphere, a translation like ‘dark’ raises no problems semantically; cf. CLL:142, Ünal 2007a:455, HED M:78, HEG L-M:152f. (‘zum Dunkel gehörend’), EDHIL:560 and 562f. (‘dark deities’, the adjective meaning ‘black, dark-colored(?)’), DCL:s.v.Outdated is the theory that this word family meant ‘red’, ‘to redden’ etc., first proposed by Forrer 1919a:1039, on the basis of the identification of the “Red River” (ÍD.SA₅) with the ^ÍDMaraššanta, and later advocated by Güterbock 1956b:166 n. b and still followed by DLL:69, Kronasser 1962c:166, 478, HHw:102, and Oettinger 1979a:385. The idea was rejected by CHD L-N:201 (see also Starke 1990a:486, n. 1782). See also s.v. marušam(m)a/i-, maruwāi-, marwatar/-t(a)n-.

[E.R.]

The word represents surely a derivation with the adjective suffix *-ii̯o- from an unattested non-mutating noun *marwā-, reflecting marwā-i(ya)-. For this kind of formation, very common in Luwian, see under urayann(i)-, kummai(ya)- ‘pure, sacralized’, parlai(ya)- ‘front (adj.) (?)’ and see Sasseville 2025a (for the recognition of the -i(ya)- suffix, see already Neumann 1973b:298, Starke 1986a:162f., Melchert 1990a, HEG L-M:153.Neumann 1973b:298, who thinks that the stem of the divinity mentioned in KUB 24.9 is marwayant-, and CHD L-N:201 (marwai-).

[E.R.]

Despite the absence of the Glossenkeil, the lexeme is Luwian, as the inflectional endings clearly show. Furthermore, the suffix -i(ya)- is fully productive only in the Luwic languages, and not in Hittite; see Melchert 1990a:198f. and Sasseville 2025a. If the root etymology is correct, then the change *g^u̯ > w is typically Luwian; cf. the Hittite match ^Dmarkuwaya-. The word is identified as Luwian in Starke 1986a:161f., CLL:142, HHw:102, HEG L-M:149, 152f., HED M:77f., Melchert 2005a:448, van den Hout 2006a:249, EDHIL:560, 562f., DCL:s.v.

[E.R.]

*This lemma was written together with the trainee Marco Ammazzini.

It is so far attested once as a divine name in the grave inscription LW 4a.4; see Melchert 2008a.

[D.S.]

Lit.: HEG L-M:149, EDHIL:560, 562f., Sasseville 2025a:435.