ḫuššī-

Regarding the verbal stem formation of Palaic ḫuššī-, Melchert 1994a:196 reconstructs a verb in *-i̯é/ó-; cf. Lehrman 1998a:141. The place of accentuation is supported by the plene writing of the stem in ḫu-uš-ši-i-in-ta. Based on our poor knowledge of Palaic verbal stem formation, an original causative-iterative in *-éi̯e/o- cannot be excluded.

Regarding the etymology of the root, Melchert 2001b:267 n. 7 connects Hittite ḫuššīl(i)-, ḫuššelli-, ḫuššulli- ‘pit’ with the Palaic verb ḫuššī- (also indirectly Eichner 1980a:127 and Eichner 1982a:18 n. 13) and explains the semantic of ‘pit’ by ‘the place where one pours out’. The connection is both phonologically and semantically attractive.The difficulties with the variant shapes of the suffix in the Hittite cognate are addressed in Rieken 2008a:248f. and n. 6. Differently, Melchert 2001b:267 n. 7 claims that Hittite ḫuššīl(i)-, ḫuššelli-, ḫuššulli- is mostly likely borrowed from another Anatolian language because of the variance in the shape of the suffix.

As Melchert 1994a:220 points out, the geminate -šš- in Pal. ḫuššī- is hard to account for. He suggests tentatively an s-extension to a root ending with a laryngeal, i.e. *HuHs-i̯é/ó-, but admits that there is no corroborating evidence for it; cf. Melchert 1994a:196. The situation of geminate versus single s in Palaic remains unexplained and must be treated carefully for now.

[D.S.]

Taking into consideration the evidence from Greek and Latin,The Germanic verb *ausjan- is left aside due to the weak attestation, cf. above.the i̯é/ó-stem PIE *h₂us‑i̯é/ó- meant ‘to scoop’ as proposed in LIV²:275. The meaning of Gk. αὔω ‘to get a light’ is secondary and developed from ‘to scoop liquids’ to ‘to convey fire (or glow) from one place to another’. As the above analysis of Pal. ḫuššī- has shown, the meaning is not ‘to scoop’ but ‘to pour out, libate’ (differently LIV²:275, following Eichner 1982a:18 n. 13), because the act of ḫuššī- is performed after cups were filled. While both actions, scooping and pouring, are intimately related to each other as pouring follows on scooping, no decision can be made as to which meaning is primary.Lat. haurīre can be used in transferred contexts like haurīre sanguinem ‘to shed blood’ (Cic.+) etc. being close to ‘to pour’.Hence, PIE *h₂us‑i̯é/ó- is reconstructed here as ‘to scoop; to pour’.

If Pal. ḫuššī- ‘to pour out, libate’ is indeed to be reconstructed as i̯é/ó‑present (cf. above), data from up to three IE branches can be adduced as evidence for a PIE formation. While Gk. αὔω ‘to get a light’ can go back either to a i̯é/ó-present (< *h₂(e)us-i̯é/ó-) or to a simple e/o‑present (< *h₂éu̯s-e/o-), Lat. haurīre ‘to scoop’ with unetymological anlauting h- (cf. the comment on Lat. haurīre above sub Transmission) has to be traced back to a i̯é/ó-present. The third possible cognate, reflected in Far. oysa ‘to sprinkle, pour’ and MHG œsen ‘to scoop out, make empty’, is assumed to be secondarily built upon the simple thematic present PGerm. *ausan- ‘to pour’, cf. EDPG:43.The latter is equated with Gk. αὔω ‘to get a light’ by, e.g., Orel 2003a:30.In Germanic, however, jan-verbs are highly productive, and the possible PGerm. *aus-jan- is attested only in more recent layers. Inheritance, thus, seems less likely. Nevertheless, PIE *h₂us‑i̯é/ó- can be assumed as the predecessor of Pal. ḫuššī- ‘to pour out, libate’ and of Gk. ἀφύω ‘to scoop’ if the latter belongs here (< *ap‑h₂us‑i̯é/ó- with *ph₂ > *p^h).This preverb formation would have to be created rather early, cf. LIV²:276 n. 2 s.v. *h₂eu̯s-.Gk. αὔω ‘to get light’ and Lat. haurīre ‘to scoop’ on the surface go back to full-grade PIE *h₂eus‑i̯é/ó-, but the e-grade can be explained by transfer from the s-aorists Gk. -αὔσαι, Lat. hausī, cf. Meiser 2003a:121.This assumption would make the s-aorist already grundsprachlich, cf. EDLIL:281.Thus, PIE *h₂us‑i̯é/ó- ‘to scoop; to pour’ can be reconstructed with a certain plausibility.

Gk. αὔω ‘to get a light (Od.5.490); (mid.) to take fire (hapax, Arat.1035)’, cf. ἐν-αύω ‘to light (dat.) a fire (Hdt.+); to draw inspiration (Call.+)’, ἔναυσις ‘taking from a neighbour (of water and fire)’ (hapax, Plu.Cim.10.6), ἐξ-αύω ‘to take out (of dressed meat)’ (Pl.Com.38, Hsch.)
GEW I:193 s.v. 2.αὔω, GEW III:45 s.v. 2.αὔω, DELG:145 s.v. 1.αὔω, EDG:175 s.v. αὔω2, LSJ:285 s.v. αὔω(A)
(?)Gk. ἀφύω (in ptc. pres. ἀφύοντες; sec. ἀφύσσω) ‘to scoop’ (Il.+)
GEW I:197f., DELG:148f., EDG:180, LSJ:294

Lat. haurīre ‘to draw, scoop’ (Enn.+, Cato+, ex-hauriō [Plaut+])The anlauting h- is most likely a hypercorrection, cf. the h-less attestations in EM:290. On unetymological h’s in Latin (as in (h)umerus ‘shoulder’, (h)ūmidus ‘wet’), cf. Weiss 2011a:63, 153f. with reference to Catul.84.WH I:637, 869, EM:290f., EDLIL:281, OLD:787f.

(?)PGerm. *aus(i)jan-, cf. Far. oysa ‘to sprinkle, pour’, MHG œsen ‘to scoop out, make empty’These formations could well be secondarily built on PGerm. *ausan- ‘to pour’, cf. below.EDPG:43, Orel 2003a:30, Kluge²⁵:674 s.v. ösen, Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000a:1090f. s.v. øse

PIE
(?)sigm. aor. *h₂ḗu̯s‑s-/*h₂éu̯s‑s-, cf. Gk. (Att.) -αὔσαι ‘to get light’, impv. 2sg Cyp. ἔν-αυὁν ‘put in(to)!, (Gk.) ἔνθες (Κύπριοι)’ (Hsch. ε 2704 Latte), (?)Cyp. ἔπ-αυὁν ‘put!, (Gk.) θές (Σαλαμίνιοι)’ (Hsch. σ 1438 Latte) (GEW I:193 s.v. 2.αὔω, GEW III:45 s.v. 2.αὔω, DELG:145 s.v. 1.αὔω, EDG:175 s.v. αὔω2, LSJ:285 s.v. αὔω(A), Egetmeyer 2010a:487 §602), Lat. hausī ‘scooped’ (WH I:637, 869, EM:290f., EDLIL:281, OLD:787f.)
LIV²:275

Greek
γοιν-αῦτις (for *ϝοιν‑αῦτις) ‘(Gk.) οἰνοχόη, vessel (for scooping wine)’ (Hsch. γ 785 Latte), Myc. nom. du. pu‑ra‑u‑tu‑ro /puraustrō/ ‘pair of fire-tongs, (Sp.) tenazas (para el fuego)’, cf. πυραυσ[τ]ρα (IG II² 47.18f.)
DMic II:172

Germanic
PGerm. *ausan-, cf. ON ausa ‘to scoop’, MHG ōsen, ‘to scoop out, make empty’, PGerm. *austra-, cf. ON austr ‘backwash (< what is to be scooped out; scooping)’ etc.
EDPG:43, de Vries 1977a:21, Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000a:1090f. s.v. øse