/hasa-/, (LINGERE)ha-sa-, LINGERE-sa-
‘abundance’
- Language
- Hieroglyphic Luwian
- Class
- Derivative
- Grammar
- subst, common gender
- ID
- 335
1. Individual Anatolian Languages
1.1 Hieroglyphic Luwian
/hasa-/, (LINGERE)ha-sa-, LINGERE-sa-
‘abundance’1.1.1Transmission
The earliest attestations of this lexeme are found in two inscriptions (KARKAMIŠ A11a, §11 and A23+, §6) dated to the reign of Katuwa (late 10th or early 9th c. BCE).
[D.S.]
1.1.2Forms
| nom. sg. | /hasas/ | (LINGERE)ha-sa-sa | KARATEPE 1 Hu., §6 (Cilicia) |
| (LINGERE)há-sá-sá | KARATEPE 1 Hu., §36 (Cilicia) | ||
| (LINGERE)ha-s[a-sa] | KARATEPE 1 Ho., §6 (Cilicia) | ||
| abl./instr. | /hasadi/ | (LINGERE)ha-sa-ti | KARKAMIŠ A23+, §6 (Karkamiš) |
| LINGERE-sa-ti | KARKAMIŠ A11a, §11 |
1.1.3Meaning ‘abundance, (as a secondary meaning) good event, divine favor’
The lexeme /hasa-/ occurs in the bilingual inscription of Karatepe, where it corresponds to Phoenician MN‘M meaning approximately ‘prosperity, pleasure, well-being’ (vel sim.) (Goedegebuure 2007a:329 with further literature). Regarding Luwian /hasa-/, Goedebeguure (ibid.) keeps the previously assigned meaning ‘luxury’ or better ‘abundance’ as the basic one (cf. Hawkins; Morpurgo Davies 1978a:106), since it refers to agricultural wealth in KARKAMIŠ A11a, §11 (cf. Payne 2012a:68). However, she suggests as a secondary development the meaning ‘good event, divine favor’, which, as she argues, would be more adequate for the context of KARKAMIŠ A23, §6 (pace Hawkins 2000a:119).
From an etymological perspective, which is based on Hitt. ḫaššikk-(mi) ‘to satiate, to quench (one’s thirst) and Pal. ḫaš- ‘to quench one’s thirst’, one expects the semantics of the Luwian lexeme /hasa-/ to have originated in the semantic field of nourishment and satiety.
[D.S.]
2. Reconstruction
2.1Reconstruction
Based on its status as a non-mutated a-stem, Luw. /hasa-/ c. ‘abundance’ must go back to an abstract noun in *-eh2- of the ‘τομή‘-type, i.e. *Hoséh2- (pace Melchert 2003b:195). Its derivational base is not attested in Luwian, but it is surely the equivalent of the one found in Pal. ḫaš- ‘to satiate, quench one’s thirst’ (Melchert 1999a:245, Melchert 2012c:178). The semantic shift of the abstract noun PAnat. *Hoséh2- from ‘saturation, satiety’ to ‘abundance’ is paralleled by Lat. fatis* ‘saturation, abundance’.Cf. Opfermann 2016a:43–63, esp. 49f. for an investigation of the univerbation Lat. ad=fatim ‘to satiety; to satisfaction, abundantly’ and the etymology of Lat. fatis* ‘saturation, satiety; abundance’ < PIE *dhh̥1-ti- ‘saturation, satiety (by breast-feeding)’ (PIE *dheh1(i̯)- ‘to breast-feed; to suck’, LIV2:138f.). For an overview of words meaning ‘enough’, cf. Buck 1949a:927f., presenting various examples for the semantic change from ‘satiate’ to ‘enough’.
[D.S.] [A.O.]
For the Lemma Head see */has-/