*pii̯-ó-

This lexeme is attested seven times in one and the same text in consecutive clauses. The lead fragment in question stems from Tabal and dates to the mid- or late 8^th century BCE.

[AH.B.]

The meaning of the present lexeme is not entirely clear, because the word is attested in one text only and always in the same context: numeral + /piyan=za/ + nom. sg. of a personal name. The meaning of these minimal clauses is somewhat opaque, but since the same lead strip lists details, on one side, about who has to give (using the verb /piya-⁽ⁱ⁾/ ‘to give’) how many sheep, it is reasonable to assume that the other side records something similar in the way of economic transactions or transfers. Hawkins 2000a:513 renders the lexeme in question very tentatively as ‘gift’, which seems unlikely in such an economic context. Therefore a related, but different meaning such as ‘delivery’ would be possible (Yakubovich pers. comm.). Alternatively, Giusfredi 2010b:206 suggests ‘tribute’.

That the noun /piya-/ should only ever show singular inflection despite appearing after numerals denoting ‘20’ and more is expected precisely due to the size of the numbers. They all represent numbers above ‘four’, and only the numerals ‘four’ and lower effect plural marking in nouns (Bauer 2014a:88f.).

[AH.B.]

A neuter noun, this lexeme is derived from the verb /piya-⁽ⁱ⁾/ ‘to give’, but its exact stem formation is not entirely clear for a lack of further paradigmatic forms (cf. e.g. Hawkins 2000a:513). The attested /piyan=za/ shows the /=sa, =za/ particle typical of neuter nouns in the nom./acc. sg., but this form in and of itself is ambiguous. Thus it can represent a regular thematic neuter noun. Alternatively, it may be the lexicalised remnant of an old /-nt-/ participle, whose nom./acc. sg. n. would likewise be /piyan/, and the literal meaning of the form would hence have been ‘the given, gift’; the nt-participles are no longer used as such in either of the varieties of Luwian, having long been replaced by the forms in /-mma/i-/ in this function, but they can be found in Hittite.

[AH.B.]

The putative attestation of the word pije in TL 9.2 came about due to a misreading for ẉẹsẹpij̣ẹ (see Schürr apud DLL:107, contra Neumann 2007a:272f.). So far, the noun *pije- is only found in personal names.

[D.S.]

1. Wesepije- (PN) (Schürr 2013d:260)
2. Ssepije- (PN) (cf. Schürr 2005a:151, Neumann 2007a:331)

This noun is found in the protases of curse formulae of three inscriptions, two of which are found in the precinct of Artemis in Sardis, while one comes from the Lower Hermos valley.

[I.Y.]

The meaning ‘damage’, accepted in Gusmani 1964a:79 and much of the subsequent literature, is mainly based on the general expectation of the semantic field to be found in the protasis of a curse formula. The comparison with Lyd. pita-^(d), made in Gusmani 1964a:80, is phonetically imprecise, while PIE *b^heid ‘to split’, adduced in Shevoroshkin 1982a:213 is too remote a comparandum to be considered persuasive.  Furthermore, in LW 23-24, the expression pidẽν … int is juxtaposed with mẽtrid / mẽtlid, which is a more plausible predicate with the meaning ‘to damage’. Therefore, pida- likely refers to a different kind of offence.

The possibility of comparing pida- with pi(d)- ‘to give’ is compatible with a different interpretation. Making additions to an object may be regarded as reprehensible as damaging it within the context of a curse formula, in particular if this object is some sort of regulation (ẽtam(i)-), as is the case in LW 23-24. Therefore I suggest that pidẽν … int simply means ‘makes additions’. As a typological parallel, one can mention that Lat. additio is ultimately derived from dare ‘to give’. In fact, the synchronic connection between pidẽν and pidν ‘I gave’ had already been ventured in Meriggi 1935a:82, where pidẽν was first identified as the accusative of a nominal form, but the correct meaning of pidν was not yet clear to the Italian scholar, and so this comparison led nowhere. Cf. under Reconstruction for a new approach by Euler & Sasseville 2019a:132f.

[I.Y.]

The substantive pidẽν reflects an oxytone a/e-stem.

[I.Y.]