pise

This word is found on an undated inscription from Tlos (Tekoğlu 2002-2003a).

[D.S.]

unknown

pisẹ

N 333.5 (Tlos)

The inscription does not contain word dividers. Tekoğlu 2002-2003a interprets the segment [.]ṃẽhaxupisẹu as mẽhaxupi se u-. However, the sequence mẽha- is not satisfactory. It is preferable to separate the adverb mẽ ‘likewise’ at the beginning and, then, haxu and pise (cf. Lyc. B pise). The question remains whether haxu and pise should be taken as separate words or as a compound, i.e. haxupise.

[D.S.]

No meaning can be assigned based on the context; cf. under Lycian B pise.

[D.S.]

This lexeme is found in the inscription of the inscribed pillar of Xanthos dated contextually to shortly after the ascension of Artaxerxes II in 405-404 BCE and stylistically to around 400 BCE (Borchhardt & Eichner 1997-1999a:19f.).

[D.S.]

unknown

pise

TL 44d.25 (Xanthos)

Shevoroshkin (apud Neumann 2007a:275) suggests restoring the same word in TL 44d.20, i.e. [ … p]ise, which is very tentative considering that the meaning is unclear and that the passage is fragmentary.

Melchert (DLL:125) opens the possibility that xalipise constitutes a compound, which is possible, but less likely vis-à-vis the fact that trei and xali occur together also in TL 44d.69. Thus, the compound is more likely to be found in treixali, while pise would be a separate word.

[D.S.]

The sentence in which pise occurs is difficult to analyze. It is preceded by the word treixali, which is probably a compound containing the substantive xal(i)-, which designates some kind of area. Shevoroshkin 2002a:219 (apud Neumann 2007a:275) takes pise as a substantive in the dative plural, which would be related to Lyc. pije-^(ti) ‘to give’, and thus translates it as ‘payments, grants’. Although the etymological comparison looks promising, the semantics are speculative, considering that the stem formation is unclear. Furthermore, its status as a noun is not certain. Instead, it could be taken as a verbal form. Schürr 2018b:75 compares pise with the word psse and suggests that pise reflects a different case form than psse, but does not provide any linguistic explanation for this phenomenon nor any parallel within Lycian. Since psse is found mostly only in compounds, e.g. zipsse-, ssepsse-, ripsse-, it is possible that psse- is the syncopated variant of pise-. However, since the semantics of all these nouns are unclear, this hypothesis cannot be proven. One should also compare Lyc. A pihesi.

[D.S.]