*sóu̯h₁-e-tr̥

The interpretation of PAnat. *sou̯(h₁)etro- ‘horn’ as a nomen instrumenti *sóu̯h₁‑e‑tro- ‘bumper, means to push/shove’ was first proposed by Oettinger 1979b:200–203 (cf. also above sub PAnat. reconstruction). Although this solution seems semantically attractive at first sight, no parallels for this semantic change can be found, e.g., in Buck 1949a:208f. Furthermore, the continuants of PAnat. *sou̯(h₁)etro- were mainly used to name musical instruments and drinking vessels (cf. above). The suggested primary meaning ‘bumper’ or ‘means to push/shove’, however, refers to ‘horn’ as an animal body part. In sum, this etymology is semantically problematic.On the morphonological problem that the underlying root has to be reconstructed as *su̯eh₁-, not *seu̯h₁-, cf. below.

The above-mentioned etymology semantically requires a root meaning ‘to bump, push, shove’. This meaning may be found in the root formerly reconstructed as PIE *seu̯h₁- ‘to set in motion, urge’ (LIV²:538f.),The root PIE *seu̯H- ‘to give birth’ (LIV²:538) has, despite semantic touch points, to be separated, cf. Narten 1964a:268 n. 848, followed by Mayrhofer (KEWA III:489, EWAia II:716), differently Grassmann 1996a:1560.or with “full grade II” as *su̯eh₁‑, cf. below. Furthermore, both remaining roots in LIV² that might be phonologically appropriate are semantically inappropriate:
PIE ?*seu̯H- ‘to give birth’ (LIV²:538) → ?‘tool to give birth with’
PIE ?*seu̯h₃- ‘to be(come) full’ (LIV²:539) → ?‘means to be(come) full; tool to fill’Despite the possible interpretation of ‘horn (drinking vessel)’ as a ‘means to fill (or pour)’, this connection has to be abandoned because the meaning ‘horn (musical instrument)’ existed besides (cf. Oettinger 1979b:201 n. 22) and, more importantly, a drinking vessel is not a ‘tool to fill (something)’ but ‘(an object that is) filled’.

Alternatively, PAnat. *sou̯(h₁)etro- ‘horn’ may be connected with Hitt. šaudišt‑/šāu̯itišt- ‘weanling’On the meaning of Hitt. šāu̯itišt-, cf. CHD Š-2:319, EDHIL:739 and differently (‘suckling’, thus ‘calf’) Rieken 1999a:149., which, according to EDHIL:740 (following Kimball 1999a:233), is derived from a compound meaning ‘of this (*so‑) year (*u̯et-es‑)’.Or ‘of year (*u̯et‑es‑) one (*sem‑)’ (hence before the first birthday) as per LIPP II:677, Rieken 1999a:149, ultimately following Hrozný 1917a:93 n. 2.Since a bovine is called a weanling only in the period after being a calf (i.e. suckling) and during the last few months before becoming a yearling (e.g., Hitt. i̯ugaš ‘yearling’), one has to reckon with an animal at the age of around 8–12 months.However, cf. Starke 1995a:24–29 who, under different assumptions, deduces an age of four (šaudišt-/šāu̯itišt-), five (i̯ugaš), six (tāi̯ugaš) years. Indeed, in view of the compelling connection of Hitt. i̯ugaš with the practice of yoking (cf. Hitt. i̯ug- ‘yoke’), it makes more sense that i̯ugaš-animals (animals ‘of the yoke’?) are at least two to three years old (cf., e.g., Waetzoldt 2008a:378 §4.3.3, Weszeli 2008a:393f. §4.1). The matter thus remains debated.
PAnat. *sou̯(h₁)etro- ‘horn’ may hence be interpreted in a similar way, i.e. with a segmentation *so-u̯et-r-o-, going back to an adjective of appurtenance meaning ‘of a weanling’. This adjective could then be used for ‘horn (of a bovine weanling)’ either by ellipsis of a phrasal head meaning ‘horn’E.g., the prototypical Hittite word for ‘horn’, Hitt. karāu̯ar‑, is a neuter like PAnat. *sou̯(h₁)etro- and, thus, a perfect candidate for a dropped head noun: PAnat. (*k̑róu̯r̥) *sóu̯etrom ‘(horn) of a weanling’.or by simple substantivization. If the above semantic analysis of Hitt. šaudišt-/šāu̯itišt- ‘weanling’ and the associated interpretation of PAnat. *sou̯etro- are correct, the horn of the corresponding bovine (*sou̯etr-) may be at least about 10–15 cm long.While the horns of one-year-old animals of the modern species Bos taurus taurus are around 10 cm long, different species, e.g. the Zebu (Bos taurus indicus) and even more the Aurochs (Bos primigenius), have even longer horns at this age (pers. comm. Dr. med. vet. Michaela Dmochewitz). E.g., in a Sumerian ritual the horn of an Aurochs is used as a musical instrument (cf. H. M. Kümmel 1972–1975a:469).While a drinking horn of this size may not be sufficient for satiety, it may well be used in ritual contexts, which indeed is the case with the word in question.
To sum up, this proposal is semantically superior to Oettinger’s etymology. The only problem to deal with is the age of the animal and the length of the horn.

For the root etymology of PIE *u̯et- ‘year’, cf. PLuw. *uss(i)- ‘year’.

Following the etymology proposed by Oettinger 1979b, PAnat. *sóu̯(h₁)etro- ‘horn’ goes back to an instrument noun in *-tro- derived from the preform of the verb Hitt. šuwe/a-^(mi) ‘to push, shove’. As Oettinger 1979b:203 himself notices, PAnat. *sóu̯h₁‑e‑tro- would be the only witness for this suffix in Anatolian. Furthermore, at least in PIE, tro‑nouns are derived from the plain root, which would result in †sóu̯h₁‑tro- > PIE/PAnat. †sóutro-.Interpreting *‑tro- as a secondary suffix in this formation implies that primary *‑tro- (as in PIE *h₂erh₁‑tro- ‘plough’) once was productive in Proto-Anatolian which is unprovable.Thus, this etymology is, albeit possible under certain assumptions, not very likely.

The root Oettinger 1979b:200f. takes as the basis of PAnat. *sóu̯(h₁)etro- ‘horn’ has been reconstructed as PIE *seu̯h₁- ‘to set in motion, urge’. However, Kümmel in LIV²⁺ s.v. *su̯eh₁(i̯)- →*su̯eh₁- (2019-04-17) merges PIE *seu̯h₁- ‘to set in motion, urge’ with PIE ?*su̯eh₁(i̯)- ‘to sway’ (LIV²:606) as PIE *su̯eh₁- ‘to set in motion, urge’. Thus, the ablauting vowel is now no longer positioned before but after the bilabial glide *u̯. There seems to be no way of connecting PAnat. *sóu̯(h₁)etro- ‘horn’ with the root *su̯eh₁- ‘to set in motion, urge’.Assuming Schwebeablaut and/or a vṛddhi-formation with resulting “full grade I” is hard to substantiate though. The two roots that might fit phonologically, viz. PIE ?*seu̯H- ‘to give birth’ (LIV²:538) and PIE ?*seu̯h₃- ‘to be(come) full’ (LIV²:539), have to be excluded on semantic grounds, cf. above.

PAnat. *sóu̯(h₁)etro- ‘horn’ might be connected with Hitt. šaudišt‑/šāu̯itišt- ‘weanling’. Since Kimball 1999a:233 (followed by EDHIL:740), the latter is analyzed as a t‑stem derived from a compound of the demonstrative pronoun *so- ‘this’ and the s‑stem *u̯et-es- ‘year’: pre‑Hitt. *so‑u̯etes‑t- ‘the one from this (*so‑) year (*u̯et‑es‑), yearling’ (cf. above).According to EDHIL:740, two different ablaut grades have to be reconstructed as predecessors of the Hittite stem forms: *so‑u̯etes‑t- > Hitt. šāu̯itišt- besides *so-utes-t- > Hitt. šaudišt‑.
Similarly, it is possible to reconstruct a comparable compound *so‑u̯etr̥- ‘in this year > yearling’ as the basis of PAnat. *so‑u̯etr‑o- ‘(horn) of a yearling’. The r‑stem *u̯et‑r̥‑, which is required as the second compound member, is indirectly attested in Indic (sa‑vātár‑au ‘having the same calf’), Greek (x‑(ϝ)έτηρ‑ος ‘having x-numbered years’), and Germanic (PGerm. *u̯eþru- ‘lamb < *yearling’), cf. Rau 2007a.According to Rau 2007a:289–291, the r‑stem is derived from an er-locative of the root noun, cf. on this sub PLuw. *uss(i)- ‘year’. The pronoun *so- ‘this one’, on the other hand, is only poorly attested in Anatolian, cf. LIPP II:732–745.
Despite minor issues – pronoun *so- sparsely attested in Anatolian, stem *u̯et‑r̥ otherwise not attested in Anatolian –, this etymology is from a morphological perspective, not least with respect to the underlying root(s), preferred over Oettinger’s proposal outlined above.

For the root etymology of PIE *u̯et- ‘year’, cf. PLuw. *uss(i)- ‘year’.

[A.O.]