tiwali(ya)-

Within the Cuneiform Luwian corpus, the adjective is found twice in duplicat texts from the Kuwattalla tradition (from MS^? onwards).

[E.R.]

The analysis as voc. sg. c. emerges from 2sg. impv. verb pi-ia(=aš) in the same sentence (Starke 1985b:152 n. 49 and 50, Yakubovich 2017d; different Otten 1953a:66 and Shevoroshkin 1977b:129 n. 4).

[E.R.]

Checked against the photographs in the Mainzer Fotoarchiv. – Reading after Starke 1985b:152. It seems that the -a- was inserted only after the surrounding sign had already been written, so that it covers the final horizontal wedge of the preceding -wa-.

[E.R.]

The lexeme occurs as an epithet of divine names in the vocative, when addressed by the speaker, e.g. en-ia tiwaliya at KUB 35.45 ii 18, but also in Hittite transmission.

Until recently, it was commonly assumed that tiwaliya-, together with tiwariya, represented a variant of *tiwadiya- (by dissimilation of the alveolar stops) and could be analyzed as the relational adjective of /tiwad-/ ‘Sun-god’, hence ‘related to the Sun-god’ (Meriggi 1962c:108, Popko 1984a, Starke 1990a:147 and 357 n. 1353, CLL:229, Melchert 1994a:237, Oettinger 1994a:313, EDHIL:766, HEG Š:1099f.; still without translation DLL:98). Doubts were raised by Tischler and Yakubovich. The former (in HEG T:395f.; cf. also) indicated that the assumed meaning was unsuitable for an epithet of Ištar and the Storm-god (as attested in Hittite transmission) and must have changed (he translates ‘mächtig, göttlich’; likewise Ünal 2007a:722: ‘mächtig’ and Rosenkranz 1948a:252: ‘Gott’). In addition to the semantic problems, Yakubovich 2010d:35 n. 26 (followed by Steitler 2017a:189 n. 606) pointed out that *tiwadiya- is unattested (thus contrasting with tiwali- as a personal name from Old Assyrian sources). Therefore, he opted for a derivative of the primary stem *tiw- (corresponding to Hitt. šiu- ‘god, deity’) with the suffix chain -al-i(ya)-, also seen in ḫuitw-al-i(ya)- ‘of a living person’. This proposal solves two problems at the same time. First, the change -VdV- > -VlV- is known only from the 1st millennium (on the assumed change -VlV- > -VrV-, see under tiwariya-). Secondly, the meaning of an adjectival derivative from *tiw- ‘god, deity’ is a general ‘divine’, which represents a much better epithet for a variety of deities, including Ištar and the Storm-god (cf. also Weitenberg 1984a:178 and HED SE, SI, SU:106 with the same translation, but without discussion).

[E.R.]

For the derivational analysis, see under Meaning.

[E.R.]

Within Hittite transmission, most attestations come from the complex of the Ḫuwaššanna, šaḫḫan, and witašši festivals, but two others occur in a mythological text and an oracle report (from MS onwards).

[E.R.]

Attestations following the files of the Hethitologie Archiv, Mainz.

[E.R.]

See under the lemma of CLuw. tiwali(ya)-.

[E.R.]

1. ^DTiwaliya/ ^Dutu-liya (HEG T:396)

2. ^URUTiwaliya (Meriggi 1962c:108, del Monte & Tischler 1978a:431)

3. PN Tí-wa-li-is (in Old Assyrian sources) (Yakubovich 2010a:211-213, Kloekhorst 2019b:60)

4. PN Ti-wa-ti-ja (in Mycenean sources) (Starke 1990a:375 n. 1353)

The Luwian origin of tiwali(ya)-, demonstrated already by the Luwian form of the reflex of PIE *di̯eu̯- (as opposed to Hitt. šiu(n)-) and the occurrence in Luwian context, is further confirmed by the predominant transmission in the Ḫuwaššanna, šaḫḫan, and witašši festival texts, which are heavily interspersed with Luwianisms. A borrowing is either explicitly stated or implicitly assumed in DLL:98, Meriggi 1962c:108, Starke 1990a:147 and 375 n. 1353, CLL:229, HEG Š:1099f., EDHIL:766, HED SE, SI, SU:106, Yakubovich 2010d:35, Goedegebuure 2010b:77, Steitler 2017a:189 n. 606, Melchert 2019d:244; different Weitenberg 1984a:178.

[E.R.]

For the lemma head see CLuw. *tiw-.