tubur(i)-

This lexeme is found in the inscription of the inscribed pillar of Xanthos, dated contextually to shortly after the ascension of Artaxerxes II in 405-404 BCE and stylistically to around 400 BCE (Borchhardt & Eichner 1997-1999a:19f.). It is also attested as a personal name in Lycian A inscriptions, i.e. tubure(/i)- (TL 69.2) (Schürr 2010b:125, Schürr 2013c:28 n. 33), tuburehe/i- (TL 44b.15) (contra Schürr 2007b:112), and as a place name found so far only in Greek Transmission, i.e. the town of Tyberissos (Neumann 2007a:385 with further literature).

[D.S.]

acc. pl.	tuburiz	TL 44c.54 (Xanthos)
		TL 44c.57 (Xanthos)
		TL 44d.31-32 (Xanthos)

Differently, Melchert (DLL:132) interprets tuburiz in TL 44d.31-32 as a nominative plural, which is formally possible, but unlikely in this case, because the word is clearly the direct object of the verb ñtuwitẽni.

[D.S.]

The Lycian B substantive tuburiz occurs as the direct object of the verbs pduradi ‘to carry (off)’, pidritẽni ‘?’, and ñtuwitẽni ‘to focus one’s attention on’. It is modified by the adjective xuzruwẽt(i)- ‘full of xuzr-’ (TL 44c.53), which can also modify waxssa ‘bread (?)’ (TL 44d.56), which implies that it can be consumed. Gusmani 1964c:45 n. 13, Schürr 2016d:172 and Gehrisch 2018a:82 interpret tuburiz as an ethnicon related to the town of Tyberissos or as the town itself. However, this is not supported by the context. Contextually, tuburiz should refer to something that can be carried off and offered to the gods just like pasba- ‘small livestock’, also found as the direct object of pduradi and ñtuwitẽni (TL 44c.46). From an etymological perspective, we can relate Lyc. B tubur(i)- best with HLuw. /tuwaris-/ n. ‘vineyard’ (Sasseville 2021d). Since the Luwian cognate is an s-stem, it must be considered a derivative of a stem */tuwari-/ not yet attested in Luwian, but in Lycian B. The meaning of this base should be ‘vine’, i.e. */tuwari-/ ‘vine’ (= Lyc. B tubur(i)-) → /tuwari-s-/ ‘vineyard’.

Concerning the phonology involved, the development, not yet fully understood, of *-w- > -b- in Lycian B must have occurred here. Martínez Rodríguez 2019a:223 does not accept the idea of this sound law in an intervocalic environment, because, in her opinion, examples are lacking. However, this argument does not hold any longer once more examples are found, as is the case here. Furthermore, we can observe that the second vowel of the word has been colored to -u- in Lycian B, i.e. *tuber(i)- > tubur(i)-. The uncolored state of the word can be seen in the place name preserved in Greek transmission, i.e. Tyberissos. This Lycian B proper coloring effect beside a labial sound (b or w) is reflected in e.g. Lyc. A pabrati ‘he commissions’ vs. Lyc. B pubrati ‘id.’, Lyc. A pillewi ‘from Pinara’ vs. Lyc. B plluwi ‘id.’.

On the contextual level, this semantic assignment is adequate and can be further supported by other nouns, with which it occurs, e.g. mur(i)-, murẽn- and murei(je)-.

[D.S.]

For the lemma head see Lyc. B *tuwa-.