*sóru-

‘loot, plunder’

Language
Proto-Anatolian
Class
Derivative
Grammar
subst
ID
219

1. Individual Anatolian Languages

1.1 Hieroglyphic Luwian

/saru(ssa)-/, (CAPERE)sa-ru-sa

‘loot, plunder (?)’

1.1.1Transmission

This lexeme is a hapax legomenon found in an inscription published in Taş & Weeden 2011a.

[D.S.]

1.1.2Forms

nom./acc. sg. /saru=sa/(?) (“CAPERE”)sa-ru-sa ISTANBUL 2, C 1’ (Tabal)

The instance in ISTANBUL 2, C 1’ can be either accusative and the object of the medio-passive verb tu-wa/i-si (from /tuwa-(i)/ ‘to put’) or be nominative and its subject; cf. Taş & Weeden 2011a:58. Further evidence is needed.

[D.S.]

1.1.3Graphic Features

1.1.3.1Phonological Interpretation

The phonological interpretation is strongly dependent on the assignment of the stem, for which see the discussion below under Stem.

[D.S.]

1.1.4Meaning ‘loot, plunder’

The suggested meaning is ‘plunder, loot’ (Taş & Weeden 2011a:58). The logogram  brings supports to the semantic interpretation of the word. Moreover, the semantics of ‘looting’ are contextually supported. Although the inscription is fragmentary, some words refer to warlike activities. For example, the occurrence of the verb ARHA x-ma-ni-ta possibly denoting a negative action (Taş & Weeden 2011a:57) and the occurrence of the logogram , which might refer to the mutilation of people vel sim. (Taş & Weeden 2011a:58). From the etymological perspective, the comparison with Hittite šāru- (n.) ‘plunder, booty’ (Taş & Weeden 2011a:58), which is a perfect match, brings further evidence. Based on both philological and etymological evidence, the assignment of the semantics ‘loot, plunder’ for HLuw. saru- is here taken over. Furthermore, the Cuneiform Luwian cognate šarušša also occurs in a military context, which brings further evidence to the semantic assignment based on the etymological perspective (Busse & Simon 2016a:116f.).

[D.S.]

1.1.5Stem

The stem of HLuw. sa-ru-sa is not assured. It could be a neuter u-stem, a d-extension as in tarud- ‘wood, statue’ (Taş & Weeden 2011a:58) or an s-extension (Busse & Simon 2016a:116f.) is also possible. A further possibility is a substantivized possessive adjective derived from the original u-stem, i.e. /sarussa-/ (pl. tantum). For the substantivization of possessive adjectives cf. CLL:6).

[D.S.]

1.2 Luwian (Glossenkeilwörter)

Glossenkeilšaruš- or Glossenkeilšarušša-

‘loot, booty (?)’

1.2.1Transmission

This word is only once attested in Hittite transmission with a gloss marker in a NS fragment of a bird oracle (CTH 557).

[A.B.]

1.2.2Forms

nom./acc. sg. n. Glossenkeilša-ru-uš-ša KUB 18.1 rev. iv? 12’ (CTH 557, NS)

The attestation follows Laroche 1959a:87 (without analysis),Archi 1975a:126, Starke 1990a:118, CLL:192, CHD Š:300 and van den Hout 2007a:248, the column indication follows Sakuma 2009a:456. The transliteration has been checked against the photo of the Mainzer Fotoarchiv.

There are different opinions regarding the analysis of this form. Starke 1990a:118 and Tischler 2008a:165 (cf. Tischler 2016a:311) interpreted it as nom./acc.pl.n., whereas CLL:192, CHD Š:300 andÜnal 2016a:469 suggest a singular. A plural would require an interpretation as šarušša (probably a derivative but further research is necessary), but Starke 1990a:118 assumes an --stem with “Sekundärendung”, followed by CLL:192 (tentatively) and CHD Š:300. In this case, the form has to be analyzed as šaruš=ša with zero-ending and the particle -ša/-za, which appears frequently with nom./acc. neuters but only in singular (cf. Melchert 2003b:186f. with references and in detail Jasanoff 2010a), which makes a singular form more probable.

[A.B.]

1.2.3Meaning ‘loot, booty (?)’

KUB 18.1 rev iv? 11’f. provides the following context (the transliteration is based on the photo of the Mainzer Fotoarchiv, and in addition the hand copy as well as the transliterations of Archi 1975a:126, Sakuma 2009a:456f. and CHD Š:300, and the restorations and translation of Sakuma 2009a:136, 248f. and 456f. have been taken into account):

(11’)[karaš?-i]a? sig5-⸢inkúr-za tar-uḫ-zi (12’)[... -z]i Glossenkeilša-ru-uš-ša-ia

(11’)[an]d? [the army?] is fine, the enemy prevails, (12’)[…] and the booty?

According to Starke 1990a:118, Glossenkeilša-ru-uš-ša-ia marks the beginning of a new sentence, and therefore -ya has to be a Hittite enclitic particle (followed by Tischler 2008a:165). This could be supported by the preceding fragmentary sign, ZI, which may represent the ending of a verb, since Hittite verbs are normally in sentence-final position. Starke connects the Glossenkeilwort with Hitt. šāru- n. ‘booty’ based on the formal similarity of both words and the context at KUB 18.1 (cf. CLL:192 and CHD Š:300). Given that the context mentions the terms karaš ‘army’ (in line 6’), kúr ‘enemy’ and tarḫu- ‘to defeat’, the background of the oracle seems to be a military campaign (cf. Sakuma 2009a:456). Hence, it is indeed plausible that Glossenkeilša-ru-uš-ša means ‘booty’ in this text (cf. CHD Š:300). This receives further support form the corresponding Hieroglyphic Luwian form “”(-)sa-ru-sa that appears in a similar context and probably with the same meaning, cf. the respective lemma.

[A.B.]

1.2.4Origin

Already Laroche 1959a:87 listed Glossenkeilša-ru-uš-ša-ia as a Luwian form (but without further discussion). Starke 1990a:118 established the Luwian status of this word on morphological grounds (followed by CLL:192 and CHD Š:300, cf. Ünal 2016a:469, Tischler 2008a:165 and Tischler 2016a:311, see under Forms). It is furthermore listed as a Luwianism by van den Hout 2007a:248 but not included in the similar list by Melchert 2005a. If the analysis as šaruš⸗šaya is correct, it shows a Luwian case ending accompanied by a characteristic Luwian enclitic -ša/-za (cf. e.g. van den Hout 1984a) attaching to an š-stem (see under Forms), which is very rare in Hittite (cf. Starke 1990a:113). By contrast, the similar Hittite form šāru- ‘booty’ shows an u-stem and consistent plene spelling of a (cf. HEG L–S:936, CHD Š:296 and EDHIL:738). Hence, Glossenkeilša-ru-uš-ša as a foreign word in a Hittite text is very likely of Luwian origin.

[A.B.]

1.3 Hittite

šāru-

‘loot, plunder’

1.3.1Literature / Comments

See HEG S:936-937 with further literature, CHD Š.2:296, Kloekhorst 2008c:738f., Weitenberg 1984a:172f.

[D.S.]

2. Reconstruction

2.1Reconstruction ‘loot, plunder’

Watkins (Watkins 1976a:116-119) compares the stem formation of the Hittite lexeme šāru- to the one of Hitt. GIŠtāru- ‘wood’ (Gk. δόρυ, Ved. dā́ru) and reconstructs a neuter u-stem with an accented o-grade of the root, i.e. *sóru- (likewise Kloekhorst 2008c:738f.). The reconstruction has been generally accepted; for an overview of the literature see HEG S:936f. The Cuneiform and Hieroglyphic Luwian attestations do not have a secured synchronic stem (see HLuw. sa-ru-sa under Stem), although each of them is at least based on a u-stem. Based on the Luwian data and Hitt. šāru- n., a neuter u-stem can be posited for Proto-Anatolian. Even if CLuw. ša-ru-uš-ša and HLuw. sa-ru-sa turn out to be extended s-stems, the presence of a neuter u-stem in Proto-Anatolian would not be affected.

[D.S.]

3. Proto-Indo-European

3.1Semantic Reconstruction

The reconstructed noun PIE *sór-u-/*sér-u- ‘booty’ represents a nomen rei actae derived from the root PIE 3.*ser- ‘to take (by force/illegally)’. The meaning ‘booty’, therefore, can be explained as from *‘what is taken (by force/illegally)’.Cf. similarly, e.g., PIE *pók̑-u-/*pék̑-u- ‘(small) livestock’ < ‘what is being plucked, heckled’ from PIE 1.*pek̑- ‘to pluck, heckle (of wool or hair)’ (LIV2:467).

The thematic derivative PCelt. *seru̯o/ā- ‘theft, raid’ is not merely a thematicization, but a substantivized adjective of appurtenance, viz. *ser-u̯-o- ‘belonging to/being necessary for (the aquisition of) booty’.

3.1.1Root etymology

The root underlying PAnat. *soru- ‘booty’ is most famously represented in the Greek verb αἱρέω (← *αἵρω < *sr̥-i̯é/ó-), which reveals as its core meaning ‘to take by force’.Cf. νῆας Ἀχαιῶν αἱρήσειν, Il.13.41f. “to capture the ships of the Achaians”, αἱρήσειν Πριάμου πόλιν “to capture Priamos’ city”, Il.2.37 etc. (LSJ:41f.). Similarly, Gk. ἐξαίρετος ‘picked out, chosen, choice’ is used “esp. of booty and this given as a special honour, not assigned by lot” (LSJ:581, cf. also Vine 1998a:48f. with n. 112). Gradually this meaning became semantically widened to the more general meaning ‘to take’, which was facilitated by the middle αἱρέομαι ‘to take for oneself (> to choose)’. 
The etymological dictionaries give the less specific meanings ‘to take, grasp, seize’ ([EDG:42, “No etymology”), ‘prendre, enlever, saisir, convaincre, faire condamner’ (DÉLG:38, “Pas d’étymologie établie”), ‘greifen, nehmen’ (GEW I:43f., “Mehrere Erklärungsversuche, von denen keiner befriedigt”), ‘nehme, ergreife’ (LIV2:535 s.v. 3.*ser-).
Similarly, the Baltic cognates (esp. Latv. sirų, sirt ‘to raid’) as well as the nominal stems PAnat. *sóru- ‘booty’ and PCelt. *seru̯o/ā- ‘theft, raid’ point into the same direction.Rix 1994a:81 connects Lat. servus ‘slave’ (< *‘shepherd’, Rix 1994a:81–87) etc., the Anatolian evidence (in 1994, only Hitt. sāru was known) and the Celtic nouns with the root found in Lat. (ob)servāre ‘to watch’, Gr. ὁράω ‘to watch, see’, viz. PIE 1.*ser- ‘to look after, protect’ (LIV2:534). This interpretation of the facts ignores the semantically preferable affiliation of the Anatolian and Celtic as well as the Greek and (parts of the) Baltic material presented above.Comprising the nuance ‘by force/illegaly’, which is provided by the given evidence, the meaning of the root PIE 3.*ser- as given by LIV2:535 (‘nehmen, ergreifen’) can be further approximated as ‘to take (by force/illegally)’.

3.2Morphological Reconstruction

In view of the Anatolian evidence, the reconstructed u-stem PIE *sóru- belonged to the class of acrostatic ó/é-stems.Cf., e.g., PIE *pók̑-u-/*pék̑-u- ‘(small) livestock’. Hence, it can be observed that the Celtic nouns are regularly derived from the weak stem of the derivational base, viz. PIE *sóru-/*séru- ‘booty’ → PCelt. *seru̯-o/ā- ‘theft, raid’.

3.2.1Root etymology

The phonological structure of the root underlying PAnat. *sóru- ‘booty’ is unambiguously /ser/.Even though the accentuation of Lith. sìrti points to a root final laryngeal (*serH-), the aniṭ-character of this root is put forward by the accent of Latv. sirt and the non-application of the Anatolian sound law PIE *VRHV > PAnat. *VRRV (not > sorru-). Furthermore, Lith. ap-sìrti ‘to surround’ is difficult to derive semantically from PIE 3.*ser- ‘to take (by force/illegally)’ which makes it a comparandum of low significance. Cf. for a different etymology Smoczyński 2007:551.Therefore, the affiliation to the root PIE 3.*ser- ‘to take (illegally/by force)’ (LIV2:535) is highly likely.

[A.O.]

4. Transmission

Lat. servus sbst./adj. ‘slave (sbst., Tab XII, Pl.+); having the status of a slave (adj., Ov.+)’Lat. servus ‘slave’ is most likely not to be connected with the given material, but with YAv. °haurva- ‘guarding’ (Bartholomae 1979a:881, 1474f.) etc., cf. EM:620, Rix 1994a:81–87 (followed by de Vaan 2008:559) and differently already Vendryes 1935a. WH II:527 opt for Etruscan origin; cf. *ser- for another etymology. On morphological grounds Lat. servus ‘slave’ and PCelt. *seru̯o- ‘theft’ are identical. However, semantic differences advise against this equation: PCelt. *seru̯o- ‘theft’ < *‘pertaining to (the aquisition of) booty’, whereas Lat. servus ‘slave’ would have to be interpreted as a simple thematization, viz. ‘captive’ < *‘what/who is taken (by force/illegally)’.

OLD:1746, 1748, WH II:527, EM:620, de Vaan 2008:559

PCelt. *seru̯o/ā- ‘theft, raid’LEW II:763 connects these and the Baltic forms with “*ser-, *sreu- ‘herumstreifen, eilen, fließen, strömen’” and (ibid. 787 et passim) interprets *sreu̯- as a byform of *ser-., cf. Corn. herw m. ‘raid, outlawry’, MIr. serb f. ‘theft’ (gl.)OIr. serb in 9th c. Rule of Ailbe is glossed as ‘(OIr.) .i. mogh, male slave’, and appears to be a loan word from Lat. servus, cf. eDIL s.v. 3 serb.

eDIL s.v. 2 serb, EDPC:331

Greek

Gk. αἱρέω ‘to grasp, seize, take away (Il.+); to overpower, kill (Il.+); to catch (animals) (Il.+)’, mid. αἱρέομαι ‘to take for oneself (Il.+); to choose (Il.+)’Cf. also Gk. ἐξαίρετος ‘picked out, chosen, choice’, cf. LSJ:581.
It is not clear, whether Gk. ἅρπαξ, -αγος (adj./n.) ‘robbing; rapine’ (Hes.Op.356+), Gk. ἁρπάζω ‘snatch away, carry off (Il.+); seize hastily (Il.+)’, etc. (cf. LSJ:245f.), belong here (< PIE *sr̥-). The second part of the stem is obscure. Vine 1998a:82 n. 200 proposes cautiously -παγ- < *-ph̥2g̑- (from PIE *peh2g̑- ‘become hard’, LIV2:461). As a semantic parallel, cf. PGerm. *fanhan- ‘to catch, seize’ from PIE *peh2k̑- ‘make hard’ (LIV2:461f.). Differently EDPG:128.
, cf. LSJ:246, GEW I:43f., DÉLG 2009:38, EDG:42

Baltic

Latv. siŗu, sirt ‘to raid, parasitize, hunt’Cf. also Latv. ?rōses sirt ‘to pluck roses’ (Ulmann 1872a:258), Lith. sarióti ‘to raid’, ap-sìrti ‘to surround’ etc.Smoczyński 2007a:551 connects the Baltic evidence with PIE *serh3- (with generalization of aniṭ root structure in Latvian). However, for semantic reasons it is proposed here that (at least) Latv. sirt ‘to plunder’ belongs here, cf. Ulmann 1872a:257, 258, LEW:763, 787, 890, ALEW 2.0 s.v. *sìrtiSmoczyński 2007a:551

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