zrqqi-^(ti)

This lexeme is attested in the inscription of the inscribed pillar of Xanthos, dated contextually to shortly after the ascension of Artaxerxes II in 405-404 BCE and stylistically to around 400 BCE (Borchhardt & Eichner 1997-1999a:19f.).

[D.S.]

The intransitive Lycian B verb zrqqi-^(ti), an action performed by king Gergis, was compared by Shevoroshkin 1977a:143 (and Shevoroshkin 1988b:289) with Hitt. šarḫiye/a-^(mi) ‘to press upon, maul’ (Shevoroshkin ibid. “to attack”, Shevoroshkin 2014a:238 “to plunder”), but left untranslated in DLL:138 and Neumann 2007a:439. Shevoroshkin 2011a:33 and Schürr 2016d:176f. analyze the verb as a univerbation instead, i.e. *zr- (< zri ‘up’) and *qi- from Luw. ḫuwiya-⁽ⁱ⁾ ‘run’, which is not persuasive and lacks cogent evidence, especially for aphaeresis in the putative preverb. Gehrisch 2018a:86 prefers a connection to Hitt. šarku- ‘high’ and thus translates the Lycian B lemma with ‘to be powerful’, but fails to provide a coherent argument. Sasseville 2021a:155f. adopts the hypothesis of Shevoroshkin and brings further evidence by comparing the Lycian context with a Hittite one using šarḫiye/a-^(mi), pointing out the similarities. Concerning the phonological problem of Lyc. q, which can no longer be equated to Hitt. ḫ, but is now agreed to be synchronically a labio-velar, i.e. compatible with Hitt. *ḫu- or *ku-, Sasseville ibid. assumes a u-extension of the root, i.e. *sr̥H-u̯-i̯é/ó- (cf. šarḫ-u-ntalla/i-). Thus, he translates zrqqiti with ‘to maul (?)’.

[D.S.]

For the stem formation, see Sasseville 2021a:153f.

[D.S.]

For the lemma head see Lyc. B *zrqq-.