/karubann(i)-/

This hapax is attested in a single inscription from Tabal, perhaps dating to the late 8^th century BCE.

[A.P.]

dat./loc. pl.

/karubanninz/

ka-ru-pa-ni-za

HİSARÇIK 2, §1 (Tabal)

The attestation at HİSARÇIK 2, §1 is assumed to be a noun here, but if the morphological structure should be different, it may be an adjective in /-i(ya)-/.

[A.P.]

The meaning of this word has so far been unclear. It occurs in a badly fragmented inscription, and preceded by uninflected logograms, it may represent the final word in the clause. Its CLuw. cognate garupann(i)- occurs as an epithet to ‘woman’ or some item associated with women, but the HLuw. context, insofar as can be said, does not contain any reference to women or anything else associated with them.

However, since the context at HİSARÇIK 2 mentions a number of deities, worship (ADORARE) and sacrifices as well as the logographically spelt verb AUDIRE.MI /tummanti-^(ti)/ ‘to hear’, the possibility should be considered that the present word represents a derivation connected to Late Babylonian karūbu ‘honoured person’ (CAD K:240); the direction of the borrowing remains unclear. Combined with the individualising suffix /-ann(i)-/, the word could mean much the same in HLuw. as in Late Babylonian. The clause at HİSARÇIK 2, §1 reads: EGO^?-mi^? ha-[ ...] DEUS^?.SOL^?-x-si^?-na ha+ra/i-ha+r[a/i-...] MONS-ti-i “˹X˺”(-)u-nú-nú-ha ADORARE^? AUDIRE.MI ka-ru-pa-ni-za, perhaps roughly translating as ‘I ...ununu-ed … the sun-god Tiwad … of Harhara to/for the mountain, for/to the worshipped(?), the famous, the honoured persons’ vel sim. (cf. Hawkins 2000a:496f.).

[AH.B.]

The HLuw. word is most likely a noun; its CLuw. cognate garupann(i)- may be an adjective or a noun (with the latter more likely). In fact, if the morphological analysis as a derivation in /-ann(i)-/ (cf. Rieken & Sasseville 2014a:305) should be correct, its status as a noun would be assured, and the addition of the suffix would serve to integrate the loan from Babylonian fully into HLuw. morphology, unless it was Babylonian that borrowed the word, in which case it may be an inner-Luwian derivation from an otherwise unattested stem */karub(a/i)-/ vel sim. Even though the suffix is usually subject to i-mutation, the attested form shows an ending in 〈-ni-za〉 for what is most likely a dat./loc. pl. expected to be spelt 〈-na-za〉. With HİSARÇIK 2 being a late inscription, it is not unlikely that i-mutated paradigms would show levelling to /i/ in the usually non-mutated cases.

[AH.B.]

This word likely represents a loan from or to Late Babylonian karūbu ‘honoured person’ (CAD K:240, related to karābu ‘prayer, blessing’ and its word family, see CAD K:192-198).

[AH.B.]

The sole attestation of the word comes from a small ritual fragment.

[E.R.]

Checked against the photographs in the Mainzer Fotoarchiv.

[E.R.]

The lexeme occurs after munus-in. Accordingly, munus-in can be an adjectival attribute (/wani(ya)-/ ‘related to a woman, female’), or garupann(i)- is a modifier of munus-in (wān(i)- ‘woman’) either substantival as apposition or adjectival, but the fragmentary context does not permit a semantic interpretation; cf. DLL:54, CLL:102, HHw:75. Also, the vague comparison with Hitt. garup- ‘shave (?)’ (DLL:54) does not lead anywhere. However, under the lemma of HLuw. /karubann(i)-/, ka-ru-pa-ni- it is plausibly suggested that the lexeme represents a formation in -ann(i)- derived from Late Babylonian karūbu ‘honoured person’ (CAD K:240).” However, the direction of borrowing remains unclear.

[E.R.]

As is evident from the attested form, the lexeme ends in the substantival suffix -ann(i)- (or its adjectival variant -anna/i-?).

[E.R.]