/mariyan(i)-/, (*255)mara/i-ia-ní-

This lexeme is only found in the KARATEPE inscription dated to around 700 BCE.

[D.S.]

acc. pl.	/mariyaninzi/	(*255)mara/i-ia-ní-zi	KARATEPE 1 Hu., §11 (Cilicia)
		(“*255”)mara/i-i[a]-ní[-...]	KARETEPE 1 Ho., §11 (Cilicia)

For a study on the logogram *255 and its new interpretations as HORREUM see van den Hout 2010b.

[D.S.]

van den Hout 2010b argues that the lexeme /mariyan(i)-/ refers to an agricultural term. His semantic assignment depends, first, on his visual interpretation of the logogram *255 (and *256), which would refer to an underground silo, and second, on his equation of HLuw. /mariyan(i)-/ with Hittite dat./loc. sg. ^A.ŠÀmariyanī ‘(a kind of field)’ (CHD L-N:186). Regarding the context of the KARATEPE inscription, he provides a persuasive analysis, where the topic of agricultural wealth is adequate. However, the semantic assignment is also dependent on the semantic interpretation of the verb /makkissa-/, which is not yet proven; see under the lemma. The Phoenician version of the passage is also problematic and not entirely conductive at elucidating the meaning of /mariyan(i)-/ (van den Hout 2010b:236, 239 with further literature). In the end, van den Hout 2010b:241 translates /mariyan(i)-/ with ‘mariyana-field crops’. Oreshko 2019b suggests instead the meaning ‘swamp’ translating the verb /makkissa-/ as ‘to drain’. The meaning ‘swamp’ is entirely possible, but cannot be considered assured. The semantic interpretation ‘rebel’ or ‘chariot-warrior’ has been also suggested by Schwemer 1996a:30-35, Hawkins 2004a:364; cf. Hawkins 2000a:60 and Payne 2012a:39 “the proud”. Even though this is less convincing than the approach of van den Hout 2010b or Oreshko 2019b, they should not be considered rejected, as long as the meaning /mariyan(i)-/ remains unproven.

[D.S.]

Based on the Hittite evidence, it is a stem in -an(i)- c. (not to be confused with -ann(i)-); cf. Oreshko 2019b:233.

[D.S.]

For a tentative Indo-European etymology, see Oreshko 2019b.

[D.S.]