*h₂éH_1/3s-/*h₂H_1/3s-´

The equation of Hitt. ḫāš(š)- c. ‘ashes, soap’ with CLuw. ḫāša(/i)- ‘id.’ allows for the reconstruction of a Proto-Anatolian consonantal stem in the common gender, i.e. *h₂eH_1/3s-. While the Hittite forms show the assimilation of the root final laryngeal (1 or 3) with the following *-s-, the Luwian ablative-instrumental shows no such assimilation. Therefore, it is likely that the oblique stem where the root is in the zero-grade and the assimilation could not occur was generalized in Luwian, i.e. *h₂éH_1/3s-/*h₂H_1/3s-´. On the ablaut paradigm reconstructed from the Hittite noun, see Rieken 1999a:19-22, EDHIL:318f. and see the Proto-Indo-European lemma below.

[D.S.]

See also the verb PAnat. *h₂eH_1/3-.

According to LIV²:257f., the PIE root *h₂eh₁s- means ‘to dry out (due to heat)’.

The root PIE *h₂eh₁s- is usually considered to be an s-extended form of the root *h₂eh₁- ‘to be warm, hot’ that might ultimately have been abstracted from an original inchoative s-present: i.e., PIE *h₂eh₁- ‘to be warm, hot’ → inchoative s-pres. *h₂eh₁-s- ‘to become warm/hot, to dry out (due to heat)’ → neo-root *h₂eh₁s- ‘to dry out (due to heat)’ (cf. Hackstein 2017a:1317). – The only verbal stem reconstructable for PIE *h₂eh₁s- is a fientive *h₂eh₁s-eh₁- (in TochB asāre pret. 3pl. ‘dried out’); cf. also the extended stem *h₂eh₁s-eh₁-i̯e/o- > Lat. ārēre ‘to be dry’, TochB osotär pres. 3sg. ‘dries out’According to Hackstein 2017a:1320, TochB osotär goes back to TochB *as-o₂tär, whose suffix “-o₂- most likely reflects the contraction product of *-eh₂-i̯e- and causes a preceding root vowel to assimilate to ^Bo, i.e., *a-o₂ > ^Bo-o₂”.. Somewhat differently LIV²:257f., which distinguishes between an ablauting fientive stem *h₂h₁s-éh₁-/*h₂h₁s-h₁-´ (in TochB asāre) and a thematic essive stem *h₂h₁s-h₁i̯é/ó- (whence Lat. ārēre, TochB osotär). On the side of nominal stem formation, the root *h₂eh₁s- is found in several IE languages. In Anatolian, Hitt. ḫāš(š)- c. ‘ashes; soap’ and CLuw. ḫāša(/i)- ‘id.’ point to a PAnat. stem *h₂éH_1/3s-, which is usually traced back to a root noun PIE *h₂éh₁s-/*h₂h₁s-´ ‘ashes’ (cf. Harðarson 1994a:39 with n. 35, EDHIL:318).Differently Neri 2017a:300, who reconstructs an acrostatic stem *h₂óh₁s-/*h₂éh₁s- ‘ashes’.Ved. ā́s-a- is probably a thematization of the root noun. Furthermore, the root noun is considered to be the derivational base of a collective formation *h₂éh₁s-h₂-/*h₂h₁s-éh₂- ‘hearth’ (< *‘ash heap’, as per Neri 2017a:300), which underlies Hitt. ḫāšša-/ḫaššā- c. ‘fireplace, hearth’, Lyc. xaha- c. ‘hearth (altar)’ as well as Lat. āra f. ‘altar’, Osc. aasa- f. ‘id.’ (cf. Harðarson 1994a:39 with n. 35, LIV²:258 n. 1, EDHIL:322f. s.v. ḫāššā-, Neri 2017a:300, and sub PAnat. *Hesseh₂-). For the derivational and phonological details regarding PGerm. *asi̯ō- f. ‘forge, melting-oven’ (OHG essa, etc.) < pre-PGerm. *h₂e(h₁)si̯éh₂- and PGerm. *askō(n)- f. ‘ashes’ (OHG aska, ON aska, etc.) < pre-PGerm. *h₂e(h₁)skeh₂-, cf. Neri 2017a:300.

[T.S.]

Ved. ā́sa- m. ‘ashes, light dust’ (AV+); Khot. astaucä ‘dry land’Cf., e.g., EWAia I:182f. with further lit.

Lat. ārēre, -eō pres. ‘to be dry’ (Plaut.+), ār(i)dus adj. ‘dry, arid’ (Plaut.+), āra f. ‘altar’ (Lex Reg., Plaut.+), Osc. aasa- f. ‘id.’ (loc. sg. aasaí, nom. pl. aasas, etc.)Cf., e.g., Untermann 2000a:43f., LIV²:258 with n. 4, EDLIL:49 s.v. āra and 53 s.v. āreō with further lit.

OHG essa f. ‘forge, melting-oven’, MDu. esse f. ‘id.’, etc.; OHG aska f. ‘ashes’, ON aska f. ‘id.’, OE æsce, asce, axe f. ‘id.’, etc.Cf., e.g., EWAhd I:364–366, EDPG:38 s.v. *asjōn- and s.v. *askōn-, Neri 2017a:299f.

TochAB ās^(ā)- ‘to dry (out)’, e.g. TochB asāre pret. 3pl. ‘they dried out’, TochB pres. 3sg. osotär ‘dries out’, pres. 3pl. osontär ‘dry out’, etc.Cf., e.g., LIV²:257f. with n. 3 and 5, Malzahn 2010a:533–535.