*h₂eH_1/3-

Melchert 1984b:41f. points out that the attractive equation between Palaic ḫā- ‘to be warm’ and Hitt. ā(i)- ‘to be hot’ cannot be maintained on phonological grounds (cf. EDHIL:165), because of the initial laryngeal in Palaic. Instead, he proposes that Palaic ḫā- is to be found in the Hittite root of ḫāš(š)- c. ‘ashes, soap’ (see PAnat. *h₂éH_1/3s-/*h₂H_1/3s-´), ḫaššā- c. ‘hearth’ (see PAnat. *h₂esseh₂-) and ḫandaiš- ‘heat, warm season’ (but cf. EDHIL:291). Therefore, the root can be reconstructed as Proto-Anatolian *h₂eH_1/3- (for the initial *h₂, see PIE lemma below) . All root final laryngeals in *-eH are typically lost in root verbs. This laryngeal can only be *h₁ or *h₃ from the Anatolian perspective because of the assimilation with the following sibilant in the word for ‘hearth’, assuming this is originally the same root, for which see the relevant Proto-Indo-European lemmata. Whereas the Palaic verb mostly works as a medio-passive *h₂eh_1/3-o-(ri), there is one active form attested, which would imply that there was a root verb perhaps of the type *CéC-/CC-´.

[D.S.]

The PIE root *h₂eh₁- means ‘to be warm, hot’, according to LIV²:257.

As far as the verbal stem formation is concerned, the root *h₂eh₁- is only preserved in Pal. ḫā- ‘to be warm’. There are, however, several potential nominal traces of PIE *h₂eh₁-. A noun stem based on this root might be, e.g., Av. ātar- m. ‘fire’, which probably shows “Maskulin-Flexion eines ursprünglichen Neutrums *ātr̥-”, as per ALF:152. Etymologically, Av. *ātr̥- can go back to pre-PIIr./PIE *h₂éh₁-tr̥- ‘fire’ < *‘what is hot’, a derivative of the root *h₂eh₁- ‘to be warm, hot’. Differently Humbach & Faiss 2016a:31–33, who assume for Av. ātar- m. < *ātr̥- n. an original meaning *‘heart, soul, self’ and derive it from PIE *h₁éh₁-tr̥- (in their notation: “*ētr̥”), equating it with Gk. ἦτορ n. ‘the interior, “heart”, mind, etc.’ (Il.+). According to them, the underlying root, PIE *h₁eh₁-, is also contained in Ved. ātmán- m. ‘breath, soul, self’ (RV+). As for the semantic shift form *‘heart, soul, self’ to ‘fire’ posited for Av. ātar-, Humbach & Faiss argue, “Eine wesentliche Rolle spielt bei diesem Vorgang sicherlich das Bild vom Feuer als dem Wesen der Seele, dem Selbst und der Potenz der angesprochenen Gottheit, es ist die immaterielle Manifestation der Präsenz Ahura Mazdās” (Humbach & Faiss 2016a:31f.). They bolster this view by referring to Y 36.3 in particular: ātarš vōi mazdā̊ ahurahiiā ahī mainiiuš vōi ahiiā spǝ̄ništō ahī “you are indeed the Fire of Ahura Mazdā, you are indeed his most Beneficent Spirit” (Humbach & Faiss 2016a:32). While the simple form Iran. *ātr̥-/*āθr- developed the secondary meaning ‘fire’, the alleged primary meaning ‘heart, soul, self’ could still be preserved in Av. x^vāθra- n. ‘wealth, happiness, paradise’ and dužāθra- n. ‘unhappiness, misfortune’ if these are to be analyzed as hu- + -āθr-a- and duž- + -āθr-a-, with -āθr-a- meaning “materieller oder/und seelischer Zustand” vel sim. (Humbach & Faiss 2016a:32f.). It is, however, not certain that Av. ātar- and Gk. ἦτορ form an equation. In semantic respect, it seems more straightforward to trace Av. ātar- ‘fire’ back to a preform *h₂éh₁-tr̥- and analyze it as a neuter tr-stem to the PIE root *h₂eh₁- ‘to be warm, hot’ (as proposed in LIV²:257 n. 1). On the other hand, the second compound member Av. -āθra- (in x^v-āθra- and duž-āθra-) with its different meaning might indeed be a reflex of a preform *-h₁e/oh₁tr-o-, which is best connected with Gk. ἦτορ n. ‘the interior, “heart”, mind, etc.’ and its cognates.Yet another approach is pursued by Neri 2017a:168f., who derives both Av. ātar- ‘fire’ and Gk. ἦτορ n. ‘heart’ from PIE *h₂eh₁- ‘to be hot’ by positing a basic meaning *‘warm intestines’ (“warme Eingeweide”) for the Greek noun. Ved. ātmán- m. ‘breath, soul, self’, too, is based on PIE *h₂eh₁-, according to Neri 2017a:168, who assumes an original meaning *‘warm breath of a being’.A PIE noun stem *h₂eh₁-tr̥- n. ‘fire’ (Av. ātar-) can, furthermore, be presupposed as derivational base of a possessive adj. *h₂eh₁-tr-ó- ‘provided with fire, characterized by fire, firy, burnt’ vel sim., which might have given PItal. *ātro- (*‘carbonized, sooted, blackened by fire’ vel sim.Cf., e.g., EIEC:263 s.v. Hearth.>) ‘black’ > Lat. āter adj. ‘black’, Umbr. atru, adro acc. pl. n. ‘black’, adrir, adrer abl. pl. n. ‘id.’. EDLIL:60, however, objects that, “A semantic shift from *ātr-o- ‘firy, like fire’ to PIt. ‘black’ does not seem very compelling, since soot is black, but not the fire itself.” A derivative of Lat. āter ‘black’ could be ātrium n. ‘atrium’ (Plaut.+), but cf. EDLIL:60, where it is pointed out that, “The appurtenance of ātrium depends on the interpretation that this room originally contained the fireplace.” This is rejected, e.g., by WH I:76f., who consider the connection with Lat. āter to be “offensichtlich Volksetymologie”, adding that “vom Herd ist im A[trium] nirgends eine Spur”. Other nominal derivatives of PIE *h₂eh₁- ‘to be warm, hot’ can be found in Celtic, with OIr. áith ‘furnace, oven’, MW odyn ‘kiln’ < PCelt. *āti- < pre-PCelt. *h₂eh₁-ti-. – Alongside PIE *h₂eh₁- ‘to be warm, hot’ there is an extended root form PIE *h₂eh₁s- ‘to dry out (due to heat)’.

[T.S.]

Av. ātar- m. ‘fire’Cf., e.g., ALF:152.

Lat. āter adj. ‘black’ (Plaut.+), ātrium n. ‘atrium’ (Plaut.+); Umbr. atru, adro adj. acc. pl. n. ‘black’, adrir, adrer adj. abl. pl. n. ‘id.’Cf., e.g., Untermann 2000a:55, EDLIL:60 with further lit.

OIr. áith f. ‘furnace, oven’, MW odyn ‘kiln’, etc.Cf., e.g., EDPC:45.