pizzarna-

‘(a tool)’

Language
Cuneiform Luwian
Grammar
subst, common
ID
1341

1. Individual Anatolian Languages

1.1 Cuneiform Luwian

pizzarna-

‘(a tool)’

1.1.1Transmission

All occurrences of the lexeme are found on two duplicate copies (NS) of the ritual against the illness of a child (Tauriša tradition).

[E.R.]

1.1.2Forms

acc. sg. pí-iz-za-ar-na-am(=) KBo 13.260 ii 3 (CTH 766, NS)
  pí-iz-za-ar-na-an KBo 13.260 ii 18 (CTH 766, NS)
  pí-iz-za-ar-na-an KBo 13.260 ii 19 (CTH 766, NS)
acc. pl. pí-iz-za-ar-na-an-za KBo 29.27 i 9’ (CTH 766, NS)

At KBo 29.27 i 9’, the analysis of the word as the direct object of the sentence is based on the duplicate context of KBo 13.260 ii 18f., hence the interpretation of -anza as acc. pl. (see also CLL:178).

[E.R.]

1.1.3Graphic Features

Checked against the photographs in the Mainzer Fotoarchiv.

[E.R.]

1.1.4Meaning

The meanings assigned to word so far are generic; cf. CLL:178: ‘(a tool)’, Tischler 2008a:134: ‘Nomen u.B.’, Starke 1990a:410 n. 1477 characterizes pizzarna- as ‘Gerätebezeichnung’. This is based on the fact that the word occurs in a sequence of sentences with parallel structures but varying objects, i.e. X=it=an kuiš āda a=ti X lāddu “He who made him an X for himself, let him take the X.” The pizzarna-item is listed roughly in the middle of the sequence, preceded by kalmiyann(i)- ‘little stick’, kaldunn(i)- ‘shank’ (perhaps also ‘shaft?’), warpann(i)- ‘weapon, tool’, ḫattara- ‘hoe’, and followed by muḫattara- (an instrument noun in -t(ta)ra-), tur(i)- (a spear or tool); for the translations, see CLL:s.vv. and Yakubovich 2019a:554. Judging by the items listed, the present lexeme seems to designate a similar object, i.e. fairly long and furnished with a point or blade, suitable to hit, pierce and/or cut something or someone. Support may also come from an evident root connection, see under Reconstruction.

[E.R.]

1.1.5Stem

The acc. pl. in -anza belongs unambiguously to the class of common gender non-mutating a-stems. Accordingly, the derivational chain can be posited as root pizz- → adj. *pizz-ar- (< *-ro-) → substantivization *pizz-ar- → adj. *pizzar-na/i- (Starke 1990a:410 n. 1477) → abstract or concrete noun pizzarna- c. with non-mutating -a-.

[E.R.]

2. Reconstruction

2.1Reconstruction ‘(a tool)’

Transposing Luw. pizzarna- c. back into Proto-Anatolian, we expect a noun in *-neh2- derived from a ro-formation of a root possibly ending with the palatalized velar *, i.e. *pik̑-ro- or *pēk̑-ro-. The former is preferable, if we equate it with Greek πικρός ‘sharp, pointed’. Thus, we suggest that Luw. *pizzar- (→ pizzar-na- c.) reflects PIE *pik̑-ro-, which would be suitable as the derivational origin of a noun designating a tool.

[D.S.] [E.R.]

3. Proto-Indo-European

3.1Semantic Reconstruction

The meaning of Luw. pizzarna- cannot be determined on philological grounds alone (cf. above) but it is possible to shed light on the actual semantics by comparing its derivational base PLuw. *pizz-ar- (< PIE *pik̑-ro-) with Pashto pǝy ‘rhubarb’ and Gk. πικρός ‘sharp’.The other two lexemes going back to PIE *pik̑-ró-, viz. (?)Ved. (°)śilpá- ‘motley’ (cf. the comment above), and ORuss. pĭstrŭ ‘id.’, do most likely not belong here on semantic grounds, cf. Root etymology below.Based on a root meaning ‘to cut’ (Ved.), the meaning ‘sharp’ (Gk.) can be paraphrased as ‘cutting’, and ‘rhubarb’ (Pashto) can be explained as ‘(a vegetable) with sour taste’. Therefore, Luw. pizzarna- may well denote ‘a tool used for cutting’.
However, since even a plow in a certain way ‘cuts’ the soil,However, Buck 1949a:495f. does not mention such a Benennungsmotiv.this etymological proposal does not entirely solve the problem of the meaning of Luw. pizzarna-.

3.1.1Root etymology

The communis opinio regarding the underlying root PIE *pei̯k̑- is to connect various formations some of which are collected above sub Transmission. The semantics of these lexemes range from ‘sharp; to cut’ (Ved., Pashto, OPers., Gk.) over ‘to decorate, to color’ (Ved., Av., Gk., BSl.) to ‘to draw, write’ (BSl., OPers.).The meaning ‘to write’ in the Baltic and Slavic as well as the Iranian languages is of course not original due to the relatively recent development of writing, cf., e.g., ALEW 2.0 s.v. piẽšti (2020-11-30).According to LIV²:466f. (referring to EWAia II:168), the basic meaning of the root is ‘to carve out, to cut out’. The semantic change to ‘to cut in, scratch, embroider’ and finally to ‘to paint, decorate colorful’ is proposed ibid. n. 1 (s.v. *pei̯k̑-), but the authors do not even implicitly hint at the extralinguistic context in which such a change may occur. By referencing to EWAia II:168, they obviously follow Mayrhofer who states already in KEWA II:267: “offenbar im Verlauf eines Kulturwandels”, which implies that the context of the alleged semantic change is ‘tattooing’, cf. WH II:306. However, this assumption (ultimately going back to Fay 1907a:198) is ad hoc and lacks evidence.
As another, more plausible but also more complex proposal one can assume a semantic development ‘to cut (in); sharp’ > ‘to draw (lines)’ (hence > ‘to write’) > ‘to paint’ finally to ‘to decorate; motley’. However, the meanings at the end of this semantic chain, esp. ‘motley’ and ‘ornament’, seem to be rather old (cf. PIE *pói̯k̑-o- ‘colored; stain’, [?]Ved. (°)śilpá- = ORuss. pĭstrŭ ‘motley’, etc.), which is unexpected.
In view of these problems and until further evidence is found, the most economical solution is to split PIE *pei̯k̑- into two roots.This means that also in Vedic two semantically distinct roots have to be accepted – Ved. 1.peś- ‘to decorate’, 2.peś- ‘to cut’ –, which is not unusual, cf., e.g., Ved. 1.as- ‘to be’ (< PIE 1.*h1es- ‘to be [there]’, LIV²:241f.) vs. 2.as- ‘to throw’ (< PIE 2.*h1es- ‘to throw, shoot’, LIV²:242f.). Note that both examples, Ved. peś- and as-, also show overlapping morphology: Vedic attests a nasal present piṁś- ‘to cut; to decorate’ and a root formation as- ‘to be (pres.); to throw (aor.)’, each with both meanings. — Even if the respective roots are identical and one meaning is explainable from the other, two roots should be reconstructed for PIE (or at least for Core IE) because both meanings already existed in PIE, cf. Malzahn 2010a:724.On the one hand, the root PIE 2.*pei̯k̑- ‘to draw, paint, color, decorate’ (vel sim.) is based on PIE *pói̯k̑-o- ‘colored; stain’ (vel sim.), Gk. ποικίλος ‘many-colored’, etc. On the other hand, the root relevant for Luw. pizzarna- ‘(a tool)’ includes Pashto pǝy ‘rhubarb’ (< *‘(vegetable) with a sour [= sharp < cutting] taste’), Gk. πικρός ‘sharp (to the sense)’ (< *‘cutting’), Ved. 2.peś- ‘to cut, carve’ and is thus reconstructed as PIE 1.*pei̯k̑- ‘to cut’.

3.2Morphological Reconstruction

According to the PAnat. Reconstruction above, Luw. pizzarna- can be transposed as PAnat. *pik̑-ro-neh2-, a derivative of PIE *pik̑-ró-. Such a stem can be found in (three to) four further languages, viz. (?)Ved. (°)śilpá- ‘motley’ (cf. the comment above), Pashto pǝy ‘rhubarb’, Gk. πικρός ‘sharp’, ORuss. pĭstrŭ ‘motley’. Taking into account the need to reconstruct two distinct roots, PIE 1.*pei̯k̑- ‘to cut’ and 2.*pei̯k̑- ‘to paint’ (cf. above), only the Pashto and Greek lexemes are equated with the derivational base of Luw. pizzarna-. Based on these three lexemes, a PIE action noun *pik̑-ró- ‘cutting, sharp’ is reconstructable.

3.2.1Root etymology

Since it is proposed here that Luw. pizzarna- belongs to the root PIE 1.*pei̯k̑- ‘to cut’, which is different from PIE 2.*pei̯k̑- ‘to paint’, there is no need to discuss the frequently supposed identification of PIE *pei̯k̑- and PIE 1.*pei̯g- ‘to paint’ (LIV²:464), cf., e.g., EWAia II:169.There are two reasons to exclude TochAB pikā- ‘to paint, write’ from the present comparison. Firstly, if the phraseological match of Lat. pingere ‘to paint’, fingere ‘to form’ and TochAB pikā- ‘to paint, write’ (Malzahn 2010a:724), AB tsikā- ‘to form, shape’ (Malzahn 2010a:991f.) is correct (cf. Schulze 1921a), not only Lat. pingere ‘to paint’ but also the Tocharian verb AB pikā- ‘to paint, write’ belong to PIE 1.*pei̯g- ‘to paint’ (LIV²:464). Secondly, since the vast majority of the Tocharian evidence is handed down to us in the form of texts written in ink (vel sim.) rather than inscriptions carved in stone, the lexeme for ‘to write’, viz. TochAB pikā-, should be derived from a root meaning ‘to paint’ (as PIE 1.*pei̯g- or 2.*pei̯k̑-) rather than ‘to cut, scratch’ (as PIE 1.*pei̯k̑-).
The phonological shape of the root is clear: the root consists of the sequence *pei̯° and a velar which can be specified by the satem reflex in Indo-Iranian (Ved. -ś-, Pashto ‑‑ [< *-sr-]) as well as by the continuation as Luw. ‑z-. Thus, the root is unambiguously reconstructable as PIE 1.*pei̯k̑- ‘to cut’.

[A.O.]

4. Transmission

(?)Ved. (°)śilpá- ‘motley’ (YV+, RV+ in compp.)According to EWAia II:640 and others, Ved. śilpá- is metathesized from *piślá- (< *pik̑-ró-).
EWAia II:640, Grassmann 1996a:1555

Pashto pǝy ‘rhubarb’
NEVP:68

Gk. πικρός ‘sharp (to the sense); bitter (of things/persons)’ (Il.+)
GEW II:535f., DELG:900f., EDG:1190, LSJ:1404, LfgrE III:1242f.There may also be a personal name Pi-ke-re-u /Pikreu̯s/ attested in Mycenaean (cf. Bartoněk 2003a:286, DMic II:119f. with refs.) and an ethnonym (gen. sg.) Pi-ki-re-wo /Pikrewos/ (or /Pigrewos/) attested in Cypriot Greek (cf. Egetmeyer 2010a:383).

CS, ORuss. pĭstrŭ ‘(Gk.) ποικίλος, motley, many-colored’
Vasmer II:348, EDSIL:430f., Trautmann 1923a:211

(?)PIE
PIE *pói̯k̑-o- ‘colored; stain’, cf. Ved. (°)péśa- m. ‘ornament’ (AV+, RV+ in compp.) (EWAia II:168f., Grassmann 1996a:831, 861), YAv. paēsa- ‘(m.) ornament (in compp.); (m.) leprosy, (adj.) leprous’ (Bartholomae 1904:818), Lith. paĩšas m. ‘soot (stain)’ (LEW I:526f., EDBIL:342), PGerm. *fai̯χa- ‘colored’ (EDPG:123, GED:116, EWAhd III:102–104)

Indo-Iranian
Ved. peś- ‘to cut (to shape)’, (?)‘to decorate’
EWAia II:168f., KEWA II:267f., Hill 2007:46–51
(?)YAv. paēs- ‘to adorn, embellish (+ *fra-)’, OPers. pi(n)θ- ‘to cut, engrave, adorn’, Sogd. n‑p’yns- ‘to write’ etc.
EDIV:291f., Bartholomae 1904:817

(?)Greek
Myc. po-ki-ro-nu-ka /poikil-ō̆nukha/ ‘decorated with colored nails’ (Bartoněk 2003a:223, DMic II:134f.), Gk. ποικίλος ‘many-colored; changeful’ (Il.+) (GEW II:572f., GEW III:171, DELG:923f., EDG:1216f., LSJ:1430, LfgrE III:1321f.), etc.

(?)Balto-Slavic
Lith. piẽšti, paišýti ‘to write, draw’, OCS pĭsati ‘to write’, etc.
ALEW 2.0 s.vv. paišýti (2020-11-30), piẽšti (2020-11-30), EDBIL:354

Cross-references

Articles referring here