ḫantiyara-

The attestations of the appellative noun are found in a single incantation (NS), while the topographic name occurs in other documents.

[E.R.]

The form ḫantiyarāēš is built by the addition of the normal nom. pl. c. ending -eš to what was recognized as an unchangeable stem (see under Stem).

[E.R.]

Checked against the photographs in the Konkordanz. – The word shows two graphical oddities. First, the syllabically spelled form ḫantiyara in KBo 3.8 iii 2 is preceded by Akkadographic ina, which may indicate that the scribe understood ḫantiyara as a stem form. Alternatively, the form could be a Luwian dat./loc. of a non-mutated stem in -a (< * -eh₂-), see under Stem. Secondly, another pseudo-logographic writing without final vowel occurs in the mountain name ^ḪUR.SAGḫa-an-di-ia-ar in MS KBo 15.46 obv. 7. In this case, a different “stem form” was abstracted at the word analysed into an r-stem.

[E.R.]

After earlier now outdated attempts (Haas 2002a:28f., Rieken 2004d:539f., Tischler 2008a:39), Oettinger 2007b:544f., (following a suggestion by Melchert, pers. comm.) interprets ḫantiyara- as an adjective meaning ‘located in front’ (NHG ‘vorgelagert’). The word both modifies a ‘water(course)’ and denotes a kind of mountain, i.e. ‘foothills’ (see also CLL:53). According to Oettinger, the use as a modifier designates the rock pools in a river bed not completely filled with water. On such occasions, a fish is trapped (‘bound’) in the ḫantiyara water (KBo 3.8 iii 2f. na-aš-ta an-da KU₆-un I-NA ḫa-an-ti-ia-ra ú-i-ti ḫa-mi-ik-ta) when an incantation is performed (KBo 3.8 iii 19f. na-aš-ta an-da ḫa-an-ti-ia-ra KU₆-an ú-i-ti ḫu-uk-ki-iš-ki-iz-zi), and the fish is released (KBo 3.8 iii 19f. an-da KU₆-uš ḫa-an-ti-ia-ra-aš la-at-ta-at). Although the semantic interpretations are obviously inspired by etymological considerations, they fit the contexts well enough to be accepted (undecided Fuscagni 2007b, Hoffner 2015a:66-69).
However, a modification is needed regarding the analysis as an adjective, for which see under Stem.

[E.R.]

In Kronasser 1961:158, HW 2nd ed. Ḫ:192, EDHIL:1015, ḫantiyara is analysed as an adjectival attribute of witi ‘in the water’, whereas according to Haas 2002a:28f., Oettinger 2004f:348 and Rieken 2004d:539f., the head noun is KU₆ ‘fish’. Problems for either interpretation arise from the word order, which is different in the first two attestations cited under Meaning, and because of a lack of a possible head noun in KBo 3.8 iii 19f. If, instead, ḫantiyara- is analyzed as a noun and denotes the ‘front part’ (of the river with its water pools and dry parts), and witi ‘in the water’ is regarded as an apposition further specifying the water pools, then it can easily be classified as an individualizing non-mutating common gender a-stem. Morphologically, this would allow an interpretation of the form ḫantiyara as dat./loc. sg., and of ḫantiyaraš as the dat. pl. of the same stem. In addition, the “agglutinating” nom. pl. [ḫ]antiyarāēš finds its explanation in the need to preserve the stem vowel -a- (as in Luw. *ḫantiyara-nzi) and to substitute the Luwian ending with the Hittite one (cf. similarly Rieken 2004d:539f., followed by Oettinger 2007b:545).
In sum, the substantival -a- stem facilitates a more satisfactory understanding of the morphological forms and syntactic features of the contexts of ḫantiyara-. If correct, the base ḫantiya- c. ‘front position, edge’ is suffixed with adjectival -ra- (< *-ro-), which in turn is substantivized with non-mutating -a- (< *-eh₂-).

[E.R.]

1. ḫantiyaraḫḫa-

The diversity and irregularity of the use of inflectional forms and stem forms point to a foreign origin (Rieken 2004d:539f., followed by Oettinger 2007b:545), which can be specified as Luwian, based on cognate lexemes derived from the same root noun ḫant(i)-; cf. under ḫanti(ya)-, ḫantiyā(i)-^(mi), and ḫantiyašša-.

[E.R.]

For the lemma head see PAnat. *Hant-.