*kuarśat

Reconstructed from a hapax personal name in an inscription on a relief of Heracles from Side of unknown date (Nollé 1988a:61 dates it to the 3rd c. BC, but only due to the presence of the Sidetic inscription, which is not decisive).

[Zs.S.]

nom. sg.

kuarśat

The attestation follows Pérez Orozco 2008a:127 (cf. Nollé 2001a:642) checked against the photograph in Nollé 1988a:Taf. II.

[Zs.S.]

Although there is no independent evidence for the reading of the first sign (N23) as ‹k› by Pérez Orozco 2003a:106 instead of the traditional ‹b›, it is still the reading of Pérez Orozco that is followed here, since exactly in case of this and a cognate word it leads to a well attested onomastic element (as pointed out already by himself), unlike ‹b› (according to Schürr 2016b:150 n. 7 its reading is “unklar” and refrains from transcribing it, Rizza 2019a:546 considers Pérez Orozco’s transcription “speculative” and “uncertain”).

For the second sign of this word, ‹u› (N5), Schürr 2016b:150 proposes that it should be transcribed as ‹w›, since in case of the personal name diuneśijaś (S3) from Διϝο- one expects either *diwo- or *diw- with the well-attested syncope of the vowel. However, these are not the only possibilities: *diwn° could have also become diun°, either with a diphthong or with two consecutive vowels. In other words, this single form is not enough to change the traditional transcription, especially because the reading ‹w› would lead to the ill-formed form †wbat in case of ubat, see s.v. (Rizza 2019a:546 left the question open).

The precise reading of the fifth letter, N14, requires further research, for the time being the transcription ‹ś› of Pérez Orozco is used here, without any phonetic implication.

[Zs.S.]

Pérez Orozco 2003a:106, 2007:127 assumes a compound name (Nollé 2001a:638 rejected the interpretation as a personal name, albeit without any argument): the first member would be kuar attested also in kuari/zexp (S4, see s.v. *kuar) and perhaps in Κυαρεμος and Κουαριμοας (which may point to an earlier *kwari-) from Caria and Cilicia, resp. The second element, -śat (“θaś” in Pérez Orozco 2008a:140 is an obvious misprint), would be connected to -σατης as e.g. in Μουσατης, Πονασατης, or Carian Mwsat and thus he reconstructs the earlier form of the name as *Kwarizata-. The identification of kuar is definitely correct, but its meaning remains unknown, even if it seems to be attested in Luwian (see s.v. *kwar-) and Carian personal names (see s.v. *kwar-, but not in Κυαρεμος, a Greek transcription of Carian qarm [E.Me 10], as it shows *ku- > *qu- [on this Carian sound change see Simon 2011b:544f., Simon 2017f:387] and not *kw-). Although Κουαριμοας indeed points to an earlier *kwari-, in view of the Luwian and Carian stems *kwar- as well as the Carian doublet *kwar- and *kwri- (see s.vv.), *kwari- is rather a derivative of *kwar- in -iya-. However, contra Pérez Orozco, kuarśat is not a compound name, but a derivative of *kuar-, since Schürr 2017a:3 demonstrated that these names show a suffix -at-. What remains to be explained is -ś-: since Sidetic -ś- continues, among others, *-ss- (Pérez Orozco 2008a:133 and Zinko & Zinko 2019a:420) and the same applies to Carian -s-, the most straightforward way is to explain them as the Sidetic and Carian reflex of the genitival adjective suffix known in Luwian as -ašša/i- (on the Sidetic reflex of this suffix see Pérez Orozco 2008a:127, 133 and s.v. pigśe, the -e obviously disappeared due to the initial vowel of the suffix -at).

[Zs.S.]

Last updated: 25 June 2020