bānnu-

Melchert 1984b:42f. suggests convincingly the reconstruction of a root *pen- with a suffix -nu- showing the change of *é > a before a tautosyllabic nasal and connects it etymologically with Lith. penù ‘to fatten’ (followed by Oettinger 1986a:28 n. 25). He rejects the etymological assignment of Poetto 1981a:274 n. 3, who connects ba-a-an-nu-kat with Hitt. ^UZUpanduḫa- ‘stomach (vel sim.)’ (HEG P:418) on morphological and phonological grounds: First, he interprets the sequence -kat as an enclitic demonstrative pronoun and, second, he points out that the Hittite sequence -nt- does not yield Pal. -nn-. Moreover, we see no evidence for Hittite -ḫ- equating Pal. -k-. In the end, we can reconstruct a Proto-Anatolian pre-form *pén-nu- as an Anatolian back-projection. 

 [D.S.]

According to LIV²:471 s.v., the basic meaning of PIE *pen- is ‘to feed, nourish’. Similarly EIEC:199 (‘to feed, fatten’).

Verbally, the PIE root *pen- ‘to feed, nourish’According to Rikov 1993b:116, “the acute intonation of Lith. pę́slas suggests that we are dealing with an Indo-European […] root *penh_x-”. However, as per EDBIL:351, “it cannot be excluded that it is an instance of métatonie rude.” is only attested in Baltic, cf. Lith. penù ‘I feed, fatten’ (inf. penė́ti) < pres. *pén-e/o- (LIV²:471, ALEW II:755f.). Among the nominal formations attested, a neuter s-stem *pén-os/es- ‘food, fodder’ is preserved in Lat. penus, -oris n. ‘food, provisions; interior (of the Vesta temple)’ (for the semantics, cf. Stüber 2002a:136) and maybe also in Lat. penes prep. ‘at’, which is usually explained as an endingless loc. sg. *pen-es of the same s-stem (Stüber 2002a:136).Differently EDLIL:458f., where an underlying t-stem *pen-et- ‘food’ > ‘stock’ > ‘interior’ is assumed. According to Stüber 2002a:135f., the s-stem *pén-os/es- is likely to have already existed in the protolanguage.For Skt. panasa- m. ‘bread-fruit tree’ (ep+), which is not likely to derive from PIE *pén-os/es-, cf. EWAia III:303f. The same s-stem could also have been the derivational base of Lith. pę́slas ‘porker’ < *pen-slas (LEW I:569, with lit.). As per Rikov 1993b:116 n. 5, Lith. pę́slas is “a deverbative noun in -sla-”, but it can also be explained as a possessive adjective formed with the suffix *-lo-For possessive lo-stems, cf., e.g., Schaffner 2011a:122, with several examples. to the neuter s-stem attested in Latin: i.e., subst. *pén-os/es- ‘food’ (Lat. penus) → adj. *pen-s-lo- ‘provided with food, fattened’ (Lith. pę́slas ‘porker’). – Beside the s-stem, Pal. bānnu- ‘liver’ points to a nu-stem *pén-nu- derived from the root *pen- ‘to feed, nourish, fatten’ (Melchert 1984b:42f.), with *pén-nu- being perhaps a substantivization in -u- of an adjective in -no- (adj. *pen-no- ‘fed, fattened’ → subst. *pén-n-u- ‘liver’?); for the derivational type, cf., e.g., Hitt. šeknu- ‘coat’, which can be explained as the substantivization of an adj. *sēk-no- ‘cut off’ (cf. Rieken 2013b:281, with further lit.). – Finally, Lith. pẽnas m. ‘food, fodder’ points to an o-stem *pen-o- (EDBIL:350f.).Differently ALEW II:756: “der s-Stamm [lat.] penus kann eine direkte Entsprechung von lit. pẽnas sein.” Traces of an o-stem are also found in Latin (penus, -ī f., penum, -ī n. ‘food, provisions’; cf. WH II:283).

[T.S.]

?Goth. fenea (if *finja) f. ‘barley’Cf., e.g., GED:112 and EIEC:199.

Lat. penus, -ūs m. ‘provisions’, penus, -oris n. ‘food, provisions; interior (of the Vesta temple)’, penes (prep. + acc.) ‘at, in the hands of, under the control of’ (Plaut.+)Cf., e.g., Stüber 2002a:135f., EDLIL:458f. s.v., with further literature.

Lith. penù, inf. penė́ti ‘to feed, fatten’, pẽnas m. ‘food, fodder’Cf., e.g., ALEW II:755f. s.v. penė́ti, EDBIL:350f. s.v. penas and 351 s.v. penėti.