ḫamrawann(i)-

Attested twice in a Hittite ritual (NS).

[Zs.S.]

nom. sg. c.

ḫa-am-ra-wa-an-ni-iš

KUB 35.92 rev. 32’

(CTH 440, NS)

gen. adj.:

unknown

ḫa-am-ra-wa-an-na-aš-ši-x

KBo 9.146 obv. 29’

(CTH 440, NS)

Attestation following CLL:50 (cf. also Laroche 1959a:129 and HW (2nd ed.) Ḫ:131) checked against the photo of the Konkordanz. The possessive adjective form derives from the substantivized form of the adjective in -wann(i)-. Since the last sign is not legible, its form remains ambiguous (nom. / acc. sg. or even nom. / acc. pl. with nasal omission).

[Zs.S.]

Although the word was left untranslated in the most recent treatment of the ritual (Fuscagni 2016a:§5’, §24’), there is a general agreement that the word means ‘of the ḫamri-’, where ḫamri- means ‘shrine, sanctuary’, see s.v. Cuneiform Luwian ḫamrit- (Starke 1990a:212; CLL:50; Tischler 2008a:42, Tischler 2016a:63; cf. already Laroche 1954a:123, Laroche 1959a:129, 139, Laroche 1966b:260). Some scholars (Laroche 1959a:129, Laroche 1966b:260, CLL:50; Schwemer 2001a:254; HW (2nd ed.) Ḫ:131) even add that this is an epithet of the goddess Išḫara. However, this word is not attested as an epithet of Išḫara: In §24’, the tablet is completely broken off both before and after the word, except of a preceding unintelligible sign (Fuscagni 2016a:§24’). In §5’ it starts a new sentence and is followed by a series of fragmentary signs (˹ki-iš˺-[, Fuscagni 2016a:§5’), without any connection to Išḫara.

Second, ḫamrawann(i)- cannot be a derivative of Hurrian or Hittite ḫamri-, since it would have yielded †ḫamriwann(i)- (the assumption of Starke 1990a:212, a stem variant *ḫamra- of ḫamri- is a petitio principii; the alleged stem variation is “ungeklärt” for HW (2nd ed.) Ḫ:131).

HW (2nd ed.) Ḫ:131; Schwemer 2001a:254 with n. 1770 and Ünal 2007a:157, Ünal 2016a:147 (although left untranslated in Ünal 2016a:956) translated it as ‘inhabitant of the ḫamri(-sanctuary / house)’, which cannot be correct, since, as we have just seen, this word cannot be derived from ḫamri- and -wann(i)- forms appurtenance adjectives and adjectives also in the meaning ‘of the sort of’ (Melchert 2003b:197f.), thus not necessarily meaning ‘inhabitant’.

Since, as just mentioned, its contexts are completely fragmentary, nothing can be said about its meaning.

[Zs.S.]

There is no doubt that we are dealing with a Luwian loanword due to its Luwian suffixes -wann(i)- and -ašša/i- (although not included in the lists of Luwianisms of Melchert 2005a and van den Hout 2007a), but the stem is generally assumed to be the Hurrian word ḫamri- (Laroche 1954a:123, Laroche 1966b:260; Haas & Wilhelm 1974a:116; Starke 1990a:212; CLL:50; Schwemer 2001a:254 with n. 1770; HW (2nd ed.) Ḫ:131f.; cf. also Tischler 2008a:42, Tischler 2016a:63; Ünal 2016a:956, who also books a stem ḫamra-, without meaning). As pointed out under Meaning, this is not possible morphologically and thus there is no reason to assume a Hurrian origin of this Luwian word.

[Zs.S.]