tarp(i)-

The lexeme occurs only in NS texts from the Mesopotamian cuneiform culture translated from Akkadian.

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nom. sg.	[É]tar-pí-iš	KBo 34.136 iii 4	(CTH 544, NS)
gen. sg.	Étar-pí-ia-aš	KBo 34.136 iii 3	(CTH 544, NS)
acc. pl.	tar-pí-i-uš-š(=)	KBo 12.70 rev.! 13	(CTH 316, NS)

The nom. sg. tarpiš shows that the reading in the preceding line has to be ^Étar-pí-ia-aš with determinative É instead of É tarpiyaš. Unless there is an unlikely change in number, both attestations can be analyzed as singular forms (DCL:s.v.).

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Checked against the photographs in the Mainzer Fotoarchiv.

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According to KBo 12.70 rev.^! 13, a piece of an Akkadian-Hittite bilingual wisdom text, tarpi- represents the translation of Akk. ganīnu(m), ganūnu(m), which is rendered as ‘storage room’ or ‘building, living quarters’ in CAD G:42. Moreover, tarpi- occurs in a collocation with ḫarištani-, now shown by Hutter 2015b to be a term for the ‘upper store’, but also for ‘living quarter’ and ‘room for the domestic cult’. Based upon this evidence, one can safely conclude that tarpi- does not denote a storage room, but living quarters. The filling of the ḫarištani- and the tarpi- with grain then probably refers to the offerings presented to the gods, likewise the emptying of the tarpi- predicted in the omen text KBo 34.136.Accordingly, the earlier interpretation ‘storage room or building’ (since von Schuler apud HW:459; see Otten & von Soden 1968a:31f. and HEG T:217f. for contexts and further references) can be regarded as superseded. Similarly, the translation ‘cellar’ in HW 2nd ed. Ḫ:279 no longer makes any sense. Following Hoffner 1968a:64f. n. 28, Melchert (CLL:216) seems to have overlooked Hutter’s contribution and wants to combine the lexeme with the epithet of the protective deity ^Dkal, tarp(i)-, assuming that they mean ‘strength’ and ‘stronghold’ respectively (cf. the hesitation in HEG T:217).

[E.R.]

The stem as borrowed into Hittite ends in -i- consistently, which may point to a mutated stem tarp(i)- or tarpi(ya)- in Luwian. Occam’s razor would give preference to the shorter stem, but no independent evidence has surfaced so far (for the assignment to the Hittite i-stems, see the lemmata in HW:459, CLL:216, HEG T:217f., HHw:172, Ünal 2007a:700).

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So far, it is only the use of the gloss wedges, the i-stem, and the collocation with the probable Luwian lexeme ḫarištani- that point to a Luwian origin, none of them probative, but in combination at least suggestive (cf. HW:459, Josephson 1979a:183, CLL:216, HEG T:217f., Melchert 2005a:449, van den Hout 2006a:242, HHw:172).

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