zartaenni-

This word is only once attested in a LNS oracle inquiry.

[A.B.]

?

za-ar-ta-en-ni-i-iš

KUB 60.98 rev. 12

(CTH 582, LNS)

The attestation follows Groddek 2006a:97, van den Hout 2007a:246 (but as CTH 297), and Kloekhorst 2014b:426. The transliteration has been checked against the photo of the Mainzer Fotoarchiv. The form and its segmentation are not clear, cf. under Graphic Features. If the word is inflected (and not an adverb or sim.), it is probably a noun or an adjective in the nom.sg.c.

[A.B.]

Groddek 2006a:97 puts a question mark on the gloss marker, but the sign is clearly visible on the photo of the Mainzer Fotoarchiv and its shape is similar to that of the other gloss markers on this side of the fragment (rev. 8, 17). Groddek 2006a:97 and Kloekhorst 2014b:426 assume that the form za-ar-ta-en-ni-i-iš is one word, while van den Hout 2007a:246 cites the form as zarta(-)enni, leaving open whether the second part belongs to the same word or not. On the photo of the Mainzer Fotoarchiv the form appears without spacing. It is therefore either intended to be written as one graphematic word, or it is a scribal mistake.

[A.B.]

The context of KUB 60.98 rev. 7–13 (the transliteration is based on the photo of the Mainzer Fotoarchiv, additionally the hand copy and the transliteration of Groddek 2006a:97 have been taken into account) shows:

(7)[…] nu-wa a-pí-ia ma-⸢a⸣-an i-ia-aḫ-ḫa-r[i …] (8)[… ]x ul pár-ta-⸢an!?⸣-ta ⸢x⸣-en-x-x[ …] (9)[… ]x iš-pár-ra-an-za nu-wa-za pa-ni zi-i[a …] (10)[…] ša-aš-ta-aš ⸢e⸣-ni-iš-ša-an iš-pár-ra-a[n- …] (11)[… ]x egir-an ⸢i⸣-ia-an-⸢ta⸣-ri nu-wa kiš-an x[ …] (12)[… -i]š-ker munus x[… -]wa za-ar-ta-en-ni-i-iš x[ …] (13)[… -i]š dumu-aš ⸢e⸣-eš-ta ma-an-wa-aš-ši ša-aš-⸢ta⸣-aš e-ni-iš-ša-a[n … iš]-pár-⸢ra⸣-an-za

(7)“here, when I mov[e… ] (8)[…] it is not partanta […] (9)[…] it is spread out. And before m[y] mind/soul […] (10)[…] in the bed/sleep that one is spread ou[t …] (11)[…] again/behind they move. And in the following way: […]” (12)[… ke]eps […] the woman […] zartaennīš […]” (13)[…] the son was (there?). In the bed/sleep to him should that on[e … is sp]read out”

The context is not very informative regarding the meaning of zartaennīš. Hence, the meaning can only be accessed via the analysis of the stem formation (see under Origin).

[A.B.]

Kloekhorst 2014b:426 assumes a Luwianism based on the gloss marker, but does not further analyse it (note that a gloss marker does not necessarily account for Luwian origin, cf. Schwartz 1938a:75, 78 and Melchert 2005a:445). The form appears in the list of Luwianisms by van den Hout 2007a:246, where it is left open whether it consists of one or two words. As noted under Graphic features, za-ar-ta-en-ni-i-iš is written as one graphematic word.

No Luwian or Hittite word is available that would match this word and a derivation of this word within these languages is difficult to explain (see below). If one considers a foreign word, Hurr. sartennu- ‘judge’ (cf. Richter 2012a:355) comes close to this word and as a loanword, it would probably appear as an -i-stem in Hittite (cf. Hoffner & Melchert 2008a:86 with examples from Akkadian and Hurrian), but the second -a- in the sequence za-ar-ta- remains unexplained and the meaning of the word (‘chief-judge’) does not permit further conclusions because of the broken context.

Another possibility is a compound. The element zarta- could in theory be related to the Luwian word zārt- ‘heart’ (cf. the respective lemma). But instead of a stem form, it would be inflected as a nom.-acc.pl., which is unusual for the first part of a compound (Luwian compounds have yet to be investigated, but the study by Brosch 2010a of compounds in Hittite suggests that this is rather unlikely). Alternatively, zarta- could be a derivative of zārt- and represent an adjective *zarta/i-. A similar example of an adjective in a compound would be Hittite šalli- ‘big’ in šallakarta-, cf. Brosch 2010a:274f.

Regarding the second part of the word, the form of a hypothetical compound could not only be segmented as zarta-ennī- (for a possible element -ennī- cf. below) but also as zart-aennī-. For -aennī-, a Luwian noun ayanni- of unknown meaning (cf. CLL:44) could have been contracted to *ai/enni-. However, the context of this hapax is likewise obscure (cf. under the respective lemma).

If the second element is -ennī-, there are no Hittite or Luwian stems, except eni- the nom.-acc.n. form of the defective demonstrative pronoun aši-, but the word shows no gemination (and would, as a function word, be unlikely to form compounds). But there are two Hurrian stems that can be considered. The first one is eni-/ini- (the meaning is unclear and disputed, according to Richter 2012a:88 the semantics ranges from ‘impurity’ in sacrifices to ‘beauty’ as epithet of the god Tešub), but it does not show a geminated nasal. The second Hurrian stem is eni- ‘god’ (cf. Richter 2012a:86–88). This word shows geminated <nn> if the so-called ‘article’ or ‘relator’ -ni/ne in the singular is added to the stem (the vowel disappears), cf. Wegner 2007a:60. In this form -enni appears as part of Hurrian names (cf. Richter 2016a:397), note also that according to Laroche 1959a:114 and Laroche 1966b:209, a male name Zarta appears in KUB 26.43 obv. 34 (mZa-ar-ta). Considering the cumulative evidence for a possible name, the question arises, whether the single gloss marker was originally (maybe in a Vorlage) intended to be a DIŠ-sign, which also serves to indicate male names.

To conclude, the two remaining possibilities are a compound zart-aenni from zart-ayanni-, or zarta-enni from *zarta/i-en(n)i. The latter option could also represent a name Zarta-enni.

[A.B.]