tiuna-
‘the one of the god, bull’
- Language
- Palaic
- Grammar
- subst, c.
- ID
- 2668
1. Individual Anatolian Languages
1.1 Palaic
tiuna-
‘the one of the god, bull’1.1.1Transmission
This lexeme is attested in the festival for the Palaic pantheon and probably once behind a sumerogram in a mythical passage (KUB 48.69), whose language is treated here as Palaic.
[D.S.]
1.1.2Forms
| nom. sg. | ti-ú-na-aš | KBo 19.153 iii 16’ | (CTH 751, NS) |
| ti-ú-na[-aš] | KBo 19.153 iii 16’ | (CTH 751, NS) | |
| ti-ú-na-aš | KBo 19.152 iv! 20’ | (CTH 751, MS) | |
| voc. sg. | GU4.MAḪ-aš | KUB 48.69, 2 | (CTH 754, NS) |
The attestation of ti-ú-na-aš in KBo 19.152 i 20’ could be either nominative singular or genitive singular; cf. Carruba 1970a:75, Watkins 1976a:308.
[D.S.]
1.1.3Graphic Features
Checked against the photographs of the Konkordanz. In the attestation of ti-ú-na-aš in KBo 19.152 i 20’, there is a damaged void between the first three signs ti-ú-na- and the last one -aš finishing the line. No signs should be restored in this damaged part; cf. Carruba 1970a:22, Soysal 2016a:315.
[D.S.]
1.1.4Meaning
Based on the relation between the Hittite sentence and the Palaic sentence occurring before after the Hittite one, Otten 1968a:112 equates Pal. tiuna- with the sumerogram GU4.MAḪ ‘bull’ in a conjectural manner. Watkins 1978a:308 follows Otten and brings further evidence from another Hittite ritual, where the name of the sacrificial animal is iteratively uttered at the beginning of the incantation (KUB 35.148 iii 37f.). Furthermore, he adduces a lexical parallelism between Hitt. da-ak-ku-da-ku-wa-a[n-…] and Pal. ták-ku-wa-a-ti each occurring in the same incantation as the iterative utterance of the sacrifice animal. Soysal 2016a argues for the semantic assignment of Pal. tiuna- as ‘bull’ supported by the Palaic passage, where ti-ú-na-aš (KBo 19.152 i 20’) designates the GU4.MAḪ-an ‘male bovine’ mentioned in the previous sentence (likewise in KBo 19.153 iii 16’, where GU4.MAḪ occurs in the Hittite passage immediately preceding ti-ú-na-aš in the Palaic incantation). Furthermore, he equates it with the newly discovered Hittite word tiuni-, to which he assigns the meaning ‘bull’ on a contextual basis; e.g. in the passage, the tiuni- is an animal with horns that can leap. For a new contextual interpretation of the Hittite passage in KBo 19.152 i 19’-21’, see Soysal 2016a:315 (followed by Melchert 2019d:244f.).
Although the interpretation as an epithet meaning ‘divine’ for Pal. tiuna- should be abandoned (pace Carruba 1972a:49f., Melchert 1984b:40f., likewise ‘day, light’ pace Tischler 2008a:200), the etymological connection with the root for ‘god’ *di̯eu̯- (i.e. Hitt. šiu(n)-; see at length Steitler 2017a:193 n. 623) should be kept, assuming that the bull is called ‘the one of the god’.
[D.S.]
1.2 Hittite
tiuni-
‘bull’1.2.1Literature / Comments
Soysal 2016a:316-318, Melchert 2019d:144f.
2. Reconstruction
2.1Reconstruction
Based on comparative evidence from Hitt. tiuni- ‘bull’, Pal. tiuna- ‘bull’ (cf. also Lyc. B ziuwa- ‘bull (?)’), one can reconstruct a Proto-Anatolian lexeme for the male bovine distinct from the general term designating bovines without a specific sex, i.e. PAnat. *gu̯ou̯-.
At first sight, the word tiuni- found in Hittite context does not look genuinely Hittite, because initial *di̯- goes to Hitt. ši-, cf. šiu(n)- ‘god’ (< *di̯éu̯-/diu̯-´) (Melchert 1994a:119, Kimball 1999a:291f.). Either we are dealing with a loanword from another Anatolian language, such as Palaic or perhaps even Luwian (see below) or we are dealing with a different syllabification of the glide, i.e. *dii̯un-. Regarding Lycian B ziu, the assibilation of *di- (or *di̯-) > zi- should be seen as a late development perhaps even confined to the Lycian B dialect (see Sasseville 2021d; this sound law is not dealt with in Melchert 1994a).
The i-stem seen in Hittite tiuni- could be accounted for in derivational terms, i.e. a substantivization in -i- from the original weak stem of šiu(n)-. On the other hand, Hittite tiuni- could be seen as a borrowing either from Luwian (thus Melchert 2019d:244f.), although the i-stem cannot be explained simply as a Luwian mutated common gender n-stem (cf. CLuw. maššan(i)- ‘god’) because a genitive hypostasis is still needed to get the possessive semantics (Melchert 2019d:245 with n. 21), or from Palaic itself with secondary transfer to the i-stem.
The presence of the n-stem attached to the word for ‘god’ already for the Proto-Anatolian period has been problematic, since it has been considered a late development (but see Reconstruction under lemma head for a different approach). It is therefore possible instead that Pal. tiuna- and Hitt.(/Luw.?) tiuni- are late creations and that the latter may have been influence by the former.
[D.S.]
For the lemma head see PAnat. *di̯éu̯-/diu̯-´.