ḫanna-

The sole attestation of the verb comes from a MS ritual fragment related to the Kuwattalla tradition.

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Checked against the photographs in the Mainzer Fotoarchiv.

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The reverse of KUB 35.65 preserves only line ends with one or two words each, whose syntactic and textual interpretation is offered by Melchert 2000a:182 (followed in HHw:s.v.). Among the words are several 2sg. imperative forms: āya(=) ‘make!’ (iii 5’), ḫannā (iii 7’), dūdupa ‘strike!’ (iii 8’). Like āya, the form ḫannā governs an acc. pl. pronoun -aš ‘them’, probably referring to the opponents of the ritual patron mentioned in iii 3’f. After judging^?? the opponents (iii 7’), the addressee, viz. the Storm-god, is requested to strike them (iii 8’).

As presented above, the meaning ‘to judge’ is well compatible with the context, but as noted cautiously by Melchert 2000a, the meaning assignment transferred from Hitt. ḫann(a)-^(ḫi) ‘to judge’ to its Luwian homophone ḫanna- also needs further confirmation.

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The 2sg. impv. form in -a is found in the verbal stem classes in -a-^(ti), possibly -a(i)-^(di), probably -a-⁽ⁱ⁾, and in classes with suffixes not present in ḫannā (see Sasseville 2021a). Since Hitt. ḫann(a)- belongs to the ḫi-conjugation, the Luwian verb has likewise a good chance to be inflected in the same way, albeit with the caveat that the semantic interpretation and thus the presupposed match with Hitt. ḫann(a)- remains uncertain.

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